*V-J 




QassJ ir_f_ 



Book_>Ll 



HISTORY 



OP THE 



STATES OF ANTIQUITY, 



FROM THE GERMAN OF' 



A. H. L. HEEREJV, 

TROPESSOR OF HISTORY IN GOTTINGEN AND MEMBER OF THK KOtAt. 
FRENCH ACADEMY OF INSCRIPTIONS. 



NORTHAMPTON, MASS. 

PrBLISHED BY S. BUTLER, AND G. AND C. CARVILL, NEW YORK, 



T. WATSON 6HFPARD, PRINTER. 

1828. 



[.■-. 



DISTRICT OF MASSACHUSETTS. ..TO WIT : 

DISTRICT clerk's OFFICE. 
BE IT REMEMBERED, that on the first day of March, A. D. 1828, in the 
fifty-second 3'ear of the Independence of the United States of America, Simeon 
Butler, of the said District, has deposited in this Office tlie title of a book, the 
right wliereof he claims as proprietor, in the \< ords following, to wit. 

"History of the States of Antiquity, from the German of A. H. L. Hceren, 
Professor of History in Gottingen and 31ember of the Royal French Academy of 
Inscriptions.'' 

In conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States, entitled " An 
act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts 
and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein 
mentioned;" and also an act, entitled, "An act supplementary to un aci, entitled, 
An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing tlie copies of maps, charts 
and books to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein 
mentioned ; and extending the benefits thereof to the arts of designing, engraving 
and etching historical and otlier prints." 

JOHN W. DAVIS, Ckrknf the District of Massachusetts. 



(.. "^ ^ (.-^ 



PREFACE. 

To those conversant with German literature, it will hardly 
be necessary to offer any apology for bringing forward the 
manual of Ancient History by Professor H^eren. He is among 
the first, we think the first, of the living historical wri- 
ters of his country ; and his distinguished merits have been 
honored throughout Europe. He had delivered lectures on 
the subject of Ancient History for nine years, before he 
published the present work in 1799. Since that time it has 
been esteemed of the highest value in Germany. In Hol- 
land also it has been very extensively used, having several 
times been printed in the Dutch, and of the French transla- 
tion a second edition has aU'eady appeared. 

The Germans cannot be considered as having excelled 
other nations in that department of historic writing, which 
combines eloquence of manner with the philosophical ar- 
rangement of facts ; but no nation has rivalled them in the 
various departments of learned research ; and in the manu- 
als of history for the purposes of public instruction, their 
present superiority is generally acknowledged. This has 
been a natural result of the very great competition among 
the instructers in that popular department of study- 
Perhaps it will not be easy to find a book, which conveys 
so much distinct information on ancient history, within so short 
a compass. A miiform system of Chronology is observed, 
by means of which each event is presented to the mind 
both absolutely and relatively in the period of time, to which 



IV PREFACE. 



it belongs. The calm narration of facts is not interrupt- 
ed by expressions of extravagant admiration ; and still less, 
by any partial and distorted statements. The whole is 
written in a liberal spirit. No fact is related, but after scru- 
pulous investigation. Each separate portion of history is 
introduced by an account of the original sources, from 
which all knowledge of it must be derived, and, for the 
assistance of younger students who would apply themselves 
to historical studies, those modern works are cited, in which 
the materials, furnished by the ancients, are collected and 
used with the greatest judgment and learning. The few 
words which are annexed, as hints illustrating their character, 
cannot but be acceptable to the general student, as a guide 
m selecting works to consult, and as exhibiting the opinions 
of one, competent to discriminate. But on the merits of the 
work it is unnecessary to enlarge. If it is suited to our 
present wants, it will make its own way to those, who desire 
to see the study of history assume its proper place among 
the objects which reward pursuit. The editor hopes, that 
a manual, Which has for many years been used with distin- 
guished success in the best University on the European 
Continent, may find favor in the highest schools of learnin"- 
in the United States, and promote the scientific study of a 
branch of human knowledge, of which the itnportance is 
daily making itself more generally felt. 

A History of the States of Modern Europe and its Colo- 
Hies in their mutual relations, from the discovery of Ame- 
rica to the Emancipation of the American Continent, by 
the same author, will be published during the summer of the 
present year. George Bancroft, 

Round Hill, Northampton, Feb. 37, 1 838. 



COJVTEJVTS. 



IntroductioB 1 

FIRST DIVISION. 

Asiatic and African States 

before C}'rus 14 

Geography of Asia 14 

Of the Asiatic Empires gen- 
erally 22 

A. Asiatic Empires before 

Cyrus 24 

1- Assyrian Monarch)' 25 

II. Median Monarchy 26 

III. Bribylonian Monarchy 27 

IV. dtatci in Asia Minor 29 

1. The Trojan kingdom 29 

2. The Phryg-ian IjinR-dom 29 

3. Die Lydian kingdom 30 

V. Pheuicia 30 
VI Syria 34 
Yll. Eaily Jewish State 35 

1. Period of the Nomadic 
condition 36 

2. Ppriod of the Federative 
Kepublic 35 

3. Period of the Monarchy 38 

a. as one kingdom 38 

b. as a divided kingdom 41 
B. The several African States 46 
Geography of Africa 45 

I. Aeg\ ptians k 43 

1. Period to the Sesostridae 51 

2. Period to Psammetichus 63 

3. Period to the Persian 
conquest 69 

II. Carthaginians 73 

1. Period to the wars with 
Syracuse 74 

2. Ptnod to the wars with 
Rome 79 

3. Period to the destruction 

oi Cartbag^c $2 



SECOND DIVISION. 
The Persian Empire 89 

THIRD DIVISION. 
The States of Greece 112 

Geography of Greece 1 12 

1. Period to the Trojan War 118 
II. Period to the Persian War 127 

1. Grecian States within 

Greece 128 

a. General history 128 

b. Sparta 132 

c. Athens 137 

d. Smaller States 143 
(1) In the Peloponnesus 143 

a. Arcadia 143 

b. Argos 143 

c. Corinth 144 

d. Sicyon 145 

e. Achaia 146 
/. Elis 147 
("2) In Middle Greece 147 

a. Megara 147 

b. Boetia 545 

c. Phocis 149 

d. Locris 150 

e. Aetolia 159 
f. Acarnania 150 

(3) In Northern Greece 151 
a Thessaly i5j 
b. Epirus J32 

(4) The Grecian Islands 152 

a. Corcyra 153 

b. Aegina 153 

c. Euboea 154 

d. The Cyclades 154 
c. Crete J54 

/ Cyprus 156 

2. History of the Grecian 
Colonies 157 

General account is? 



VI 



CONTENTS. 



(1) Colonies in the West of 
Asia Minor 159 

1. The Aeolian colonies 160 

2. The Ionian colonies 161 

3. The Dorian colonies 163 

(2) Colonies on the Propon- 

tis and the Black Sea 164 

(3) Colonies on the coasts 

of Thrace and Macedon 166 

(4) Colonies to the West of 
Greece 167 

1. Colonies in Lower Italy 167 
a. Tarentum 168 
h. Croton 169 

c. Sybaris 169 

d. Thurii 170 

e. Locri Epizephyrii 171 
/. Rhegium 172 
g. Cumae 172 

2. Colonies in Sicily 172 
a. Syracuse 173 
h. Agrigentiim 179 
c. Smaller cities 180 

3. Colonies in Sardinia and 
Corsica 180 

4. Colony in Gaul, Massilia 180 

5. Colony in Spain, Saguntiis 181 

6. Colony in Africa, Cyrene 181 
III. Period from the Persian 

wars to Alexander 183 

FOURTH DIVISION. 

Thp Macedonian Monarchy 212 

I. Period to Alexander's death 212 

II. Period to the battle of Ipsus 228 

III. Period. Separate king- 
doms and states, which a* 
rose out of the division of 

the Macedonian Monarchy 238 
1. Syria under the Seleu- 
cidae 233 



2. Egypt under the Ptole- 
mies 254 

3. Macedonia and Greece 
after Alexander's death 275 
(The Achaian League) 286 
(The Aetolian League) 287 

4. Smaller or more remote 
kingdoms and states 298 
a. Kingdom of Pergamus 299 

(Rhodes) 301 

6. Bithynia 302 

c. Paphlagonia 303 

d. Pontus 303 

e. Cappadocia 306 
/ Armenia 307 
g. The Parthian kingdom 308 
h. The Bactrian kingdom 315 
i. The Jewish State 316 

1. Under the Persians 317 

2. Under the Ptolemies 
and Seleiicidae 318 

3. Under the Macca- 
bees 319 

4. Under the family of 
Herod 322 

FIFTH DIVISION. 

The Roman State 'J25 

Geography of Ancient Italy 325 

I. Period to the conquest of 
Italy 331 

II. Period to the Gracchi 350 
HI. Period to the Monarchy 373 
IV. Period to the Fall of the 

Western Empire 415 

Geography of the Roman 
Empiie 415 

1 . To the death of Commodus 423 

2. To Diocletian 450 

3. To the fall of the Roman 
Frfnpire in the West 465 



IJVTRODUCTIOJV. 



i. The sources of ancient history are in part the ancient 
Writers ; in part other still existing monuments. The former 
will be cited at their proper places in the several chapters. 
A general view of the ancient monuments, considered as 
sources of history, is given in : 

Oberlin Orbis antiqui monumentis suis illustrati pvimae 
lineae. Argentorali 1790. 

•/ II. Among General Works on Ancient History we dis- 
tinguish, 1. Large?- Works. Some of these constitute parts 
of Universal History. To this class belong : 

The Translation into German of the Universal History, 
published in England by a society of men of letters. With 
notes by Siegm. Jac. Bauragarten. This is known by the 
Hame of die Halhsche allgemeine Welt-geschichte. Halle 
1746. ff. 4to. The first 18 parts contain Ancient History. 

Universal History, from the creation to the present time. 
By William Guthrie, John Gray, and others. To ancient 
history belong the four first volumes, translated into Ger- 
man, and corrected by C. G. Heyne, who added notes and 
dates. The translation was published at Leipsic 1766. fF. 
8vo. It is only through the labors of Heyne, that the work 
gained a value. 

Ancient History has also been treated in works exclu- 
sively devoted to it. To this class belong ; 
1 






V ii\TRODUCTION. 

Rollin Histoire ancienne des Egypliens, des Carthaginois, 
des Assyriens, des Babyloniens, des Medes et des Parses, 
des Macedoniens, des Grecs. Of, this work there exists a 
German translation, by M. Muller, 1798. [The English 
version is sufficiently known.] This work, by which the 
study of ancient history in France was much promoted, 
still retains its merited reputation. It is continued in the 
Hist. Romaine, which will be cited below. 

Jac. Ben. Bossuet Discours sur I'histoire universelle. 
Paris, 1680. Ill vols. It has often been re-printed, and 
is considered in France a classic work. The German trans- 
lation, by Cramer, is accompanied by original dissertations. 
Leipzig, 1748. 

Elemens de I'histoire generale par I'Abbe Millot ; Paris, 
1772. sq. [Of this there exists an English translation.] 
The German of Christiani was published 1777, in 9 vols. 
8vo. The two first parts contain Ancient History. 

Job. Matth. Schroeckh allgemeine Weltgeschichte fiu' 
Kinder. Leipz. 1779. 6 B. (Universal History for Chil- 
dren.) 

Geschichte der alten Welt von J. G. Eichhorn. 1799. 
third edition 1817. This is the first part of Eichhorn's 
Universal History. 

Handbuch der allgemeinen Volkergeschichte alter Zeiten j 
von Anfang der Staaten bis zu Ende der Romischen Re- 
publik von M, Dan. G. J. Hiibler. Fieyberg. 1798 — 
1802. 5 Th. A continuation of this work is : Geschichte 
der Romer unter den Imperatoren, wie auch der gleichzei- 
tigen Volker bis zur grossen Volkerwanderung. 1803. 3Th. 
This history is of value from the judicious manner,, in which 
all subsidiary works are made use of. 

Allgemeine Geschichte der Volker und Staaten von H. 
Luden. 3d edition. 1824.1825. and Allgemeine Politische 
Geschichte von L. v. Dresch. 1815. 3 Th. Of these two 
works the first volume in each contains Ancient History 
and gives the recent views on that subject. 



IJVTRODUCTION. ^ 

Works, illustrating the civil culture, the constitution, and 
the commerce of the ancient nations, though they are not 
strictly treatises of Ancient History, yet stand in the most 
intimate connection with it. To this class belong : 

Ideen iiber die Politik, den Verkehr und den Handel del' 
vornehmsten Volker der alten Welt, von A. H. L. Heeren. 
Third edition. 1815 — 1821. The first part in two division^ 
contains the Asiatic nations : First division : Introduction. 
Persians. Second division : Phoenicians, Babylonians, Scy» 
thians, Indians. Second Part. African nations. First di- 
vision : Carthaginians, Aethiopians. Second division : Egyp- 
tians. Third part. First division : Grecians. [Of this last 
division, a translation into English was published at Boston 
in 1824, under the title. Politics of Ancient Greece.] 

2. The merit of having produced useful, and in part ex- 
cellent manuals of ancient history, (a consequence of th& 
public lectures delivered on this science at the universities) 
belongs peculiarly to the Germans. Among them we desig- 
nate : 

J. Chr. Gatterer Versuch einer allgemeinen Weltge- 
schichte bis zur Entdeckung Amerikas. Gottingen. 1792. 
The earlier manuals of this author are not needed by one 
possessed of this latest and most mature fruit of his studies. 

Kurzgefasste Anieitung zur Kenntniss der allgemeinen 
Welt-und Volkergeschichte von Chr. Dan. Beck. Leipzig. 
1798. The first volume extends to A. D. 843. This is 
provided with such a copious account of all the books relat- 
ing to ancient history, that it may supply the place of a sep- 
arate work on the subject. 

J. A. Remer Handbuch der altern Geschichte von der 
Schopfung der Welt bis auf die grosse Volkerwanderung. 
Fourth edition. Braunschweig. 1802. 

J. M. Schrockli Lehrbuch der allgemeinen Weltgeschichtc. 
1774. Later edition. 1795, 

G. S. Bredow Handbuch der alten Geschichte nebst einem. 
^j\twurfe der W«ltkm?dle ddr Altea. Altona. 1799. Svo. 



4 rNTRODUCTIOiV. 

3. Among works subsidiary to the study of ancient history 
Synchronical Tables and Charts deserve a distinguished 
place. Instead of those of Schrader and Berger formerly 
in use, the best are at present : 

D. G. J. Hiibler's synchronistische Tabellen der Volker- 
geschichte ; hauptsachlich nach Gatterer's Weltgesehichte. 
In zwei Lieferungen. The second edition in 1799 &: 1804. 



L Political history treats of the fortunes of 
states m their internal as well as in their external 
relations. Of their internal relations the history 
of their constitutions forms a principal part ; as to 
their external relations, history gives an account 
not of their wars only, but also of their amicable 
relations and friendly intercourse with other states. 

Political history or the history of states, is a subdivision 
of the general history of the human race. The history of 
culture, or of humanity, investigates the history of men, as 
men, without further reference to political relations. 

2. Political history is generally divided into 
three parts ; ancient, of the middle ages, modern ; 
of which the first extends to the downfall of the 
western Roman Empire, about the end of the 
fourth century ; the second to the discovery of 
America and of the passage by sea to the East 
Indies, or the end of the fifteenth century ; the 
third from that period to the present time. 

This division is derived from events which constitute po- 
litical epochs. It is from this reason apparent, why the 
division in history before and after the birth of Christ is not 
judicious. 



INTRODUCTION. 5 

3. Political history, according to tlie idea which 
we have given of it, commences with the appear- 
ance of states. All that we know of the previous 
condition of our race, from the traditions of indi- 
vidual men or of tribes, of their migrations, rela- 
tionship and inventions, does not belong here, but 
to the general history of nations. 

It is known, that, in the sacred writings of the Hebrews, 
a great deal of information has been preserved respecting 
the earliest condition of the human race, and it was usual 
to form of this a particular division in history, under the 
name of Historia antediluviana. From what has been said 
above, it is obvious why this is here omitted, although these 
traditions are of the greatest value for the earliest history of 
the tribes and of the culture of mankind. 

4. The sources of History are in general of two 
classes, oral tradition, and written accounts of every 
kind. The history of every nation usually begins 
with oral tradition, and this remains the only source, 
so long as letters are either entirely unknown to 
the people, or very little used. 

5. The whole collection of oral traditions, which 
have been preserved in a nation, ar^ comprised 
under the name of traditional history, or mytholo- 
gy ; and such a mythology is to be found in every 
nation in its earliest period. It includes, however, 
not merely notices, that properly belong to history, 
but rather all those, which in so early a period 
seem important to a people, and of which it is 
willing to preserve and continue the knowledge. 

The mythology of a nation, therefore, is always compos- 
ed of very different elements j for beside historic notices of 
various kinds it contains the prevalent ideas respecting the 



& INTRODUCTION. 

Gods and their services ; as also the observations and expe- 
rience of the nation in astronomy, morals, and the arts. All 
these usually appear in the attire of history ; for man, not 
yet exercised in abstract thought, must necessarily represent 
every thing to himself by images. As vain and narrow, 
therefore, as are the attempts of all those, who believe they 
can find in the mythology of a people a connected whole, 
or a scientific system of any kind whatever, it is on the 
other hand equally difficult to separate that which is purely 
historical from that which is not historical. Much critical 
judgment and knowledge of antiquity are, therefore, requir- 
ed in employing mytliology for the purposes of history. 

These just ideas on mythology, the key to the whole 
earlier antiquity, were first developed and put in circulation 
by Heyne, in his edition of Virgil and of other poets, as 
well as in the edition of the hbrary of ApoUonius and in 
several dissertations for the Gottingen society of the sci- 
ences. To these it is especially to be ascribed, that the 
Germans have so far preceded other nations in the just 
raode of pursuing the study of antiquity. 

6. The want of letters is commonly in such na- 
tions supplied by poetry, which, as it is in its ori- 
gin nothing else but the expression of images bj 
words, must naturally spring up among men who 
are still accustomed to represent to themselves 
every thing under the veil of images. The sub- 
ject of poetry with every people, is nothing and 
can be nothing but its mythology ; and as the 
component parts of this are so different, there 
naturally arose out of it, thus early, the various 
kinds of poetry, as the Lyric, the Didactic, and 
the Epic ; which last, in as far as it includes the 
historic song and the Epopee, deserves in an es- 
pecial manner the attention of the historian. 



INTRODUCTION. 7 

The fables were, in later times, often collected out of the 
works of the Poets, and committed to writing by gramma- 
rians, as Apollodorus and others. On their original charac- 
ter, this can of course exercise no influence. 

7. The second, incomparably richer and more 
important source of history is in the written mon- 
uments of every kind. They can be divided ac- 
cording to the time in which they originated into 
three classes: 1. Inscriptions on public monuments, 
to which class coins in later ages belong ; 2. The 
chronological record of events in chronicles, an- 
nals ; 3. Philosophic histories in the proper sense 
of the word. 

8. The most ancient written memorials are un- 
doubtedly inscriptions on public monuments which 
were raised in commemoration of certain events, 
even though nothing but a single stone or even a 
natural rock may have been taken advantage of 
for the purpose. Art soon formed these into 
columns, obelisks, and pj ramids, as the taste of 
the nation received a definite tendency from local 
relations, and as architecture arose among them 
and formed for itself a peculiar style. Necessity 
must have soon led to the idea of furnishing them 
with inscriptions, containing some account of the 
events, of which they were designed to perpetu- 
ate the memory ; and several of the most ancient, 
especially of the Egyptian monuments, are un- 
questionably of this kind. But the custom of ad- 
ding inscriptions continued among the later na- 
tions, especially among the Greeks and Romans, 
much more common than it is among the moderns^ 
although out of the great multitude of their inscrip,r 



8 INTRODUCTION. 

tions, which are still extant, only a proportionably 
small part are of any value for history. 

The character of which use was made, was either em- 
blematic (Hieroglyphics), or the alphabet. The invention 
of the alphabet, as well as its introduction, is generally as- 
cribed to the Phenicians ; it seems, however, to judge from 
the form of the arrow headed letters, to have been also 
made independent of them, in inner Asia. 

The following are general collections of inscriptions : 

Lud. Ant. Muratori novus thesaurus veterum Inscription- 
um. Mediolani. 1739 sq. 4 fol. with Seb. Donati supple- 
mental Luccae. 1764. 

Jan. Gruteri Inscriptiones antiquae totius orbis Romaili, 
cura J. G. Graevii. Amstel. 1707. 2 vols. fol. 

Of the single inscriptions particular importance for gen- 
eral history is attached to the Parian Chronicle or Oxford 
Marbles (Marmora Oxoniensia, Arundeliana), published by 
Selden 1629. Prideaux 1676. The best edition by Rich. 
Chandler. Oxf. 1763. fol. A useful manual edition is that 
of Wagner, in Greek, with a translation into German, and 
notes, pubHshed at Gottingen, 1790. 8 vo. 

9. Coins can likewise be regarded as a source 
for ancient history, especially in so far as they 
throw light on Genealogy and Chronology ; by 
means of which events already known may be 
better arranged. They are, therefore, particularly 
important in those branches of history, of which 
from the loss of the writers we have only frag- 
mentary accounts. 

Ez. Spanhemii dissertatio de usu et praestantia numisma- 
tum. Londin. 1707 et 1709. 2 fol. But the chief work 
on the whole subject of ancient coins is at present : 

Eckhel de doctrina nummorum veterum. Viennae. 1792 
1798. 8 vol. 4to. An abridgment of this work in German 
was published at Vienna, 1787. 8 vo. 



INTRODUCTION. .«J 

A useful auxiliary is J. C. Rasche Lexicon tiniversae rei 
pummariae veterum. 1785. sq. 5 vols. 8 vo. 

10. Chronicles or Annals form the second 
leading class of historic monuments. They pre- 
suppose the invention of letters and the use of 
proper materials for writing, and are therefore, 
without doubt, of more recent origin, than mere 
inscriptions. Still they belong to the earlier pe- 
riod of nations, and such annals, or chronicles of 
the state, composed under public authority, usually 
supplied subsequent historians with the materials 
for their works. Among many nations, as, for ex- 
ample, among all the Eastern, the historic art nev- 
er advanced beyond such chronicles. 

11. I'he third leading class of historic writings 
is composed of works of philosophic history, which 
are distinguished from mere annals, in as much as 
they contain not merely a chronological enumera- 
tion of separate events, but also give a develope- 
ment of the connection of those events. 

But few nations in modern times, and in ancient, as far 
as we knoAv, only the Greeks and Romans, have possessed 
philosophical histories. The cause of this lies 1. in the 
Constitution. The more ev^ery thing is given up to the mere 
will and caprice, be it of one or of several, the more all ra- 
tional connection of events disappears. Philosophical histo- 
ry, therefore, flourishes best under free constitutions ; and 
no traces of it are to be found under purely despotic gov- 
ernments. 2. Another reason may be found in the degree 
of the culture of the people, for to trace and perceive this 
internal connection of events, presupposes a considerable 
degree of philosophical culture. 
2 



19 IJVTRODUCTION. 

12. As all events are fixed by the place where., 
and the time when they happened, it foUoAvs that, 
for history generally, and for ancient history in 
particular, geography and chronology are two in- 
dispensable subsidiary sciences ; yet not in their 
whole extent and in all their details, but only in 
so far as they contribute to the order and arrange- 
ment of events according to the succession of time 
and to place. A fixed chronology, therefore, is in 
ancient history of not less necessity, than a con- 
tinuing geographical description of the countries, 
which are the theatre of the leading events. 

13. There was in antiquity no general epoch, 
but each nation and each state had its own era. 
And yet in treating of general history we have 
need of a general era, the better to gain a view of 
contemporaneous events. To this purpose we can 
reckon time according to the years of the world, 
or according to years before and after the birth of 
Christ. But the latter has decidedly an advantage 
over the former, not only from its greater certain- 
ty, but also from its greater convenience. 

Among the several modes of reckoning time, the most 
known are the Greek according to Olympiads, and the Ro- 
man according to the years from the building of their city. 
The former begins with the year 776 before Christ, the 
latter with the year 753 according to Varo, or 752 accord- 
ing to Cato. The era Seleucidarum in the Syrian empire 
begins with the year 312 before Christ. Other eras, as the 
era Nabonnassaris, beginning 747 before Christ, and others 
are founded upon the accounts and observations which Ptol- 
emaeus has preserved for us and Jos. Scaliger has made 
tcown in his Doctrina Temporuni. 



INTRODUCTION. 1 1 

Chronology forms a science by itself. The best intro- 
duction to it is given in : 

J. C. Gatterer Abriss der Chronologie. Gottingen. 1777. 
An excellent piece of criticism on the ancient eras has re- 
cently appeared in : 

L. Ideler historische Untersuchungen liber die astrono- 
mischen Beobachtungen der Alten. Berlin. 1806. 

Einleitung in die historische Chronologie von D. H. He- 
gewisch. 1811. Very convenient for common use. 

14. In the study of ancient Geography a careful 
distinction must be made between fobulous and 
true geography. Of the latter, as a science sub- 
sidiary to history, we are to expect general in- 
formation, partly respecting the physical charac- 
ter and remarkable peculiarities of the country, 
partly respecting their political divisions, and 
partly respecting the chief cities, but by no means 
long Usts of the names of places. 

Fabulous geography constitutes a part of the mythology 
of every nation, and differs, therefore, in each according to 
the earlier ideas adopted respecting the form and nature of 
the earth. — True geography assumes its shape but slowly, 
as advances in culture are made, and as the circle of obser- 
vation is enlarged. — The suliject must necessarily be treated 
historically, from the various changes, to which the division 
and forms of the countries of the ancient world were at dif- 
ferent periods subjected. 

Christoph. Cellarii Notitia orbis antiqui. Lips. 1701 — 
1706. 2 vols. 4 to. cum observat. J. C. Schwarzii. Lips. 
1771. et iterum 1773. This for a long time was the sole, 
and still continues to be an indispensable work on ancient 

Geography. 

Geographic der Griechen und Romer von R. Mannert. 
Niirnberg. 1787—1803. 7 Tlj. 8 vo. To complete this 



j 2 INTRODUCTION. 

work, which is to be esteemed classic, for the historical 
criticism displayed in it, Greece, Italy, and Africa are yet 
wanting. 

Geographic der Griechen und Romer von den friihesten 
Zeiten bis auf Ptolemaeus ; bearbeitet von Fr. Aug. Ukert. 
Weimar, 1816, with maps. The first division of the first 
part contains the historical, the second the mathematical 
division. 

Gosselin Geographic des Grecs analysee. Paris. 1790. 
4 to. This is an explanation of the systems of the mathe- 
matical Geography of the Greeks ; and is in part continued 
in : 

Gosselin Recherches sur la Geographic des Anciens. 
Paris. An. VI. vol. 1 — 4. 

Geographical system of Herodotus by J. Rennel. Lon- 
don. 1800. 4 to. The two last works have been abridged 
in the German language, and accompanied with notes in : 

Untersuchungen iiber einzelne Gegenstande der alten 
Geschichte, Geographic und chronologic von G. G. Bredow. 
Altona. 1800. Zweites Stuck. 

For the best maps for ancient Geography we are indebt" 
ed to Danville in : 

Atlas orbis antiqui, 12 sheets fol. At Nuremburg there 
has been an excellent copy of the engravings, published in 
the same form by Schneider &, Weigel. 1781. f. To this 
we add : 

Danville's Handbuch der alten Erdbeschreibung, Dan- 
ville's Manual of ancient Geography, a new edition in Ger- 
man by Hummel, Bruns, Stroth, Heeren, and others. A 
good concise sketch of ancient Geography in a single vol- 
ume is a want, not yet supplied, 

15. Ancient History may be treated either eth- 
nographically, that is, according to the different 
nations and states, or synchronically, that is, ac- 
cording to certain general periods of time. E^if h 



JNTRODUCTtON. 13" 

method has its advantages and disadvantages ; 
both may however, to a certain extent, be united, 
and this method is the best adapted to our pur- 
pose. We therefore establish the following divi- 
sion : 

First Division. The history of the ancient 
Asiatic and ancient African states and empires 
before Cyrus, or from the origin of the Persian 
monarchy about the year of Christ 560. Hardly 
any thing more than separate fragments. 

Second Division. History of the Persian mon- 
archy from 560 to 330 before Christ. 

Third Division. History of the Grecian states 
as well within as without Greece, till the time of 
Alexander or 330 before Christ. 

Fourth Division. History of the Macedonian 
monarchy and of the empires, which arose from 
its division, down to the time when they were 
conquered by the Romans. 

Fifth Division. History of the Roman state, 
not only as a republic but also as a monarchy, to 
the period of its fall in the west, in the year 476 
after Christ, 



FIRST DIVISIOJV. 

Fragments of the history of the earlier Asiatic and African 
Empires and States before Cyrus, or the beginning of 
the Persian monarchy. 



I. ASIATIC NATIONS. 

GENERAL PRELIMINARY INFORMATION ON THE GEOGRAPHY 0P 

ASIA,* 

EXTENT AND SITUATION OF THIS CONTINENT. 

1. Asia is in its extent the largest continent, 
and in its situation the most favored by nature. 
Its square contents amount to 14,000,000 miles, 
while that of Africa amounts only to 11,000,000 
miles, and that of Europe only to 3,300,000 miles. 
From its situation it fills the largest part of the 
northern temperate zone. 

In comparison wilJi other countries it has advantages, and 
especially ovei' Africa. These advantages consist in the 
character of its broken shore — the fruitful islands which lie 
around it — its numerous gulfs that enter far into the land — 
its large rivers, and its few deserts in the interior. 

2. Its physical character deserves consideration. 
Its divisions, depending on the course of its large 
chains of mountains and its principal streams. 

* Compare the Introduction to Heeren's Ideen uber die Polf- 
iik und den Handel der alten Volker B. 1. S. 64 f. 



GEOGRAPHY OP ASIA. 15 

There are two principal chains of mountains extending 
from west to east. In the north the Altai which in antiquity 
was still without a name ; in the south the Taurus. Branch- 
es of both, are the Caucasus between the Black and Caspi- 
an seas ; the Imaus along the golden desert (the desert 
Gobi) ; the Paropamisus on the northern side of India ; the 
Ural, in antiquity still without a name. Of the chief rivers, 
which are worthy of remark for ancient history, four flowed 
from north to south ; the Euphrates and Tigris into the Per- 
sian Gulf, the Indus and Ganges into the Indian sea ; two 
flow from east to west into the Caspian sea (but now into 
the Aral sea), the Oxus (now Gihon) and the Jaxartes 
(Sirr). 

3. Asia may therefore be divided into north 
Asia, the country north of the Altai ; middle Asia, 
the country between the Altai and the Taurus ; 
southern Asia, the country south of the Taurus. 

4. Northern Asia lies between 76° and 50° of 
latitude (Asiatic Russia, Siberia). This in anti- 
quity was very little known, yet not entirely un- 
known. Dark but true traditions of it may be 
found in the father of history, Herodotus. 

5. Middle Asia, the country between 50'^ and 
40° north latitude, comprehending Scythia and 
Sarmatia Asiatica (the great Tartary and Mongo- 
lia), is almost one immeasurable unproductive prai- 
rie, without agriculture and forests, and therefore 
a mere pasture land. The inhabitants, leading 
pastoral lives (Nomades), are without cities and 
fixed places of abode, and therefore instead of po- 
litical union have merely the constitution of tribes. 

The peculiarity of the mode of Hving and the character 
ef the Norftadic nations deserve? attention, especially for the 



1.6 FIRST DIVISION, PlERIOD BEFORE CtRUS. 

great influence, which they, as conquerors, have exercised 
over political history. 

Can we conceive as possible a constant advance in cul" 
ture of the human race collectively, when we see that per- 
haps one half of the same has from time immemorial re- 
mained in the Nomadic state, and, from the nature of the 
countries which they occupy, must remain so forever ? 

6. South Asia, comprising the lands from 40° 
north latitude to near the equator, is entirely dif- 
ferent in its character from the countries of Middle 
Asia ; it is both in soil and climate possessed of 
advantag;es for agriculture, and in comparison with 
the other countries of the earth, it is rich in the 
costliest and most various products. Therefore 
We observe here — a. Transition to fixed places of 
abode and bonds of political union in the earliest 
times, b. The emporium of the grand commerce 
of the world in like manner from the earliest 
times to the discovery of America. 

What is the origin of political associations ? Are agricul- 
ture and the possession of landed property alone sufficient, 
according to the usual theory on the subject, to originate 
and to preserve them ? Was not religion, that is the com- 
mon worship of a deity as a national divinity (communia 
sacra), the proper bond which held the earliest states togeth- 
er ? From this we may interpret the phenomenon, that in 
the earliest states of the world a cast of priests usually ap- 
pears as the ruling class. The early commerce of the 
world, especially of the east, deserves consideration ; be- 
fore the discovery of America and the passage to the East 
Indies by sea, changed it from commerce by land to com- 
merce by sea. Its former course was through Asia ; the 
natural places of depot were in the interior on the banks of 
large rivers ; on the Oxus, Bactra and Sogdiana (Samar- 
cand) ', on the Euphrates and Tigris, Babylon. The nat- 



GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA. 17 

ural places of depot on the coast were the western coast of 
Asia Minor and Phcnicia, where arose the series of Gre- 
cian and Phenician commercial cities. 

7. Division of the countries of South Asia. a. 
Western South Asia extending from the Mediter- 
ranean to the Indus, b. Eastern South Asia from 
the Indus to the Eastern Ocean. 

A. Western South Asia is divided again into the 
countries — 1. this side tlie Euphrates — 2. between 
the Euphrates and Tigris — 3. between the Tigris 
and the Indus. 

1. COUNTRIES THIS SIDE THE EUPHRATES. 

a. The peninsula of Asia Minor (Natolia). The 
chief rivers, Halys and Sangarius. Countries : 
Three on the west side, Mysia, Lj^dia, Caria. 
Along the coast, the Greek maritime cities, Plio- 
caea, Ephesus, Miletus, Smyrna, Halicarnassus, 
&c. ■ In the interior the cities of Sardis in Lydia. 
and Pergamus in Mysia. 

Three on the South side : Lycia, Pamphylia 
and Cilicia, with the chief city Tarsus. 

Three on the North side : Bithynia, Paphlago- 
nia, Pontus ; with the Greek maritime cities Hera- 
clea, Aniisus and Sinope. 

Two in the centre : Phrygia together with Ga- 
latia, with the chief cities Gordium and Celaenae, 
and Cappadocia with the city Mazaca. 

h. Islands along the coast of Asia Minor. Les- 
bos with the city Mitylene. Chios, Samos, Cos, 
Rhodes, with cities of the same name, 

c. Syria with Phenicia and Palestine. 1. S3^ria 
proper. Cities : Damascus, Emesa, Heliopolis. 
3 



18 FIRST DIVISION. PERIOD BEFORE CTRtfS. 

(Baalbeck). In the desert, Palmyra. 2. Pheiii- 
cia. A mountainous land on the coast. Moun» 
tains : the Libanus and Antilibanus. Cities : Tyre 
on an Island, opposite ancient Tyre on the conti- 
nent. Sidon, Byblus, Berytus, Tripolis, Aradus. 
3. Palestine. Mountains : Carmel, Tabor. River : 
Jordan, which empties into the Dead Sea. Divi- 
sion Driginallj' into 12 Tribes; afterwards into the 
districts, Judea, v/ith the chief city Jerusalem ; 
Samaria, with the cities Samaria and Sichem, and 
Galilee. 

d. The peninsula Arabia. Full of monstrous 
deserts, and inhabited almost exclusively by no- 
madic nations. But its Southern and Eastern 
coasts give it a great importance in a commercial 
point of view. In the North, Arabia Petraea, from 
the place Petra. In the centre, the Arabian desert. 
In the South, Arabia felix ; rich, by means of its 
own native products, among which are the various 
kinds of incense, especially frankincense ; and as 
the most ancient place of depot for India wares. 
Cities : Mariaba, Aden, &c. On the East side the 
commercial c\iy Gerra, and the opposite islands 
Tylus and Aradus (Bahhrein Islands), likewise 
the staples as well of Arabian as of India wares, 
especially of the cinnamon from Taprobane (Cey- 
lon). 

2. LANDS BETWEEN THE EUPHRATES AND THE TIGRIS. 

a. Mesopotamia. In the interior a dry plateau, 
inhabited by none but hordes of nomades. Cities 
on the Euphrates : Thapsacus, Circesium, Cunaxa, 
In the North Zoba or Nisibis. 



GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA. 10 

b. Armenia, to the North, above the preceding. 
Full of mountains : for a long time Avithout cities, 
at a late period it had Tigranocerta. Rivers : Cy- 
rus and Araxes, which flow into the Caspian Sea, 
and the Phasis, which goes into the Black Sea. 

c. Babylonia, the Soutliern part of Mesopota- 
mia, divided from it by the Median wall. A plain 
with a rich soil ; at one period by its careful cul- 
ture, by the formation of canals, dams, and lakes, 
the most fruitful, and by its situation the richest 
commercial country in the interior of Asia. Cities ; 
Babylon on the Euphrates, Borsippa. 

Are the accounts of the extent and splendor of Babylon, 
given by the eye-witness Herodotus, exaggerated ? — -The 
large Asiatic cities had their origin in the royal encamp- 
ments of the conquering nomadic nations. 

3. lands' BETWEEN THE TIGRIS AND INDUS. 

a. Assyria or the district Adiabene, an exten- 
sive plateau. Cities : Ninev^eh (Ninus), Arbela. 

The name Assyria is often used by tlie Greeks in a wider 
signification, and then it embraces both Mesopotamia and 
Babylonia ; it is even sometimes put for the name Syria. 

b. Susiana, a fruitful countr}^, with the cit}^ Susa 
on the river Choaspes or Eulaeus (Ulai), one of 
the residences of the Persian kings. 

e. Persis, in the North rough and mountainous, 
in the middle a fruitful plain, in the South sandy. 
Rivers : Cyrus and Araxes. Cities : Persepolis 
or Pasargada, where was the national palace, as 
also the burying-place of the kings of Persia. 

The name Persis is used in antiquity as in modern geog- 
raphy in a wider sense, and then embraces all the countries 
between the Tigris and the Indus, excepting Assyria. In 



20 FIRST DIVISION. PERIOD BEFORE CYRUS. 

this case it comprises three Southern districts, Persis, prop^ 
erly so called, Carmania, Gedrosia ; three central, Medi*. 
Aria, Arachosia, and three Northern, Parthia with Hyrca- 
nia, Bactria, Sogdiana. 

d. Carmania, a large, for the most part desolate 
land, along the Persian gulf and the Indian sea. 
Cities : Carmana, Harmozia. 

e. Gedrosia, the district on the coast between 
Carmania and India. Along the Indian sea it is a 
desert of sand ; in the North mountainous. Town : 
Pura. 

/ Media, above Persis. An extensive, very 
fruitful, and, in the North, mountainous district. 
Rivers : Araxes, Cyrus, and Mardus. Cities : Ec- 
batana, Rages. The Northern part is also called 
Atropatene (Aderbitschan) or Media Minor. 

g. Aria. A plain, with a lake and river Arius ; 
and a city Aria or Artacoana. 

h. Arachosia ; a rich and fruitful country on the 
boundary of India ; bounded on the North by the 
mountain Paropamisus. Cities : Arachotus and 
Prophthasia. The neighboring, thickly peopled^ 
mountainous countries, (at present Cabul and Can- 
dahar), although they properly belong to India, 
yet, as they were so often subjected to the Per- 
sian rule, were often distinguished by the name of 
Paropamisus, and considered as forming a part of 
Persia. 

i. Parthia and Hyrcania, rough mountain dis- 
tricts, northerly from Media, but full of noble 
and fruitful vallies. Before and during the Per- 
sian supremacy they were little known and esteem- 
ed, and were without cities. It was at a late pe-r 



GEOGRAPHY OF ASIA. 21 

riod that the inhabitants of Parthia came in their 
turn to possess a rule, widely extended through 
the world. 

k. Bactria, the country on the South bank of 
the Oxus. It is rich in its natural products, and 
is one of the oldest commercial countries of Asia. 
River : Oxus. Cities : Bactra and Zariaspa. 

Bactria on the boundary of India, the lesSer Thibet, and 
Little Bucharia, (the Northern India of Herodotus and 
Ctesias) and the desert Gobi (the desert abounding in gold 
of Herodotus), through which the road to China passes, is 
by its geographical situation naturally destined to be one of 
the first staples of the wares of Southern Asia ; and appears, 
the farther we extend our researches in history, to have 
been as Babylon one of the first principal places of the in- 
tercourse between nations, and in consequence of dawning 
culture. 

/. Sogdiana, the country between the upper Ox- 
us and the upper Jaxartes, which divides it from 
Middle Asia. (A part of the great Bucharia). It 
resembles in character and advantages the neigh- 
boring Bactria. Chief city: Marakanda (Samar- 
cand). 

B. The Eastern part of South Asia, or Asia be- 
yond the Indus, does not become remarkable in 
history till a later period. See below in the Fifth 
Division. 



22 FIRST DIVISION. PERIOD BEFORE CYRUS. 

General Preliminary Information on the History 
and Constitution of the Great Asiatic Empires. 

1. Asia from the first as at present contained in 
its interior empires of immense extent, by which 
they are distinguished from those of cultivmted Eu- 
rope as well*as by their constitution. They often 
underwent revolutions, but their form remained the 
same. For this causes must have existed, lying 
deep and of wide influence, and which, notwith- 
standing these frequent revolutions, still continued 
to operate and always gave to the new empires 
of Asia the organization of the old ones. 

2. The great revolutions of Asia (with the ex- 
ception of that of Alexander) were occasioned by 
the numerous and powerful nomadic nations, which 
occupied a great part of that continent. Compel- 
led by accident or necessity, they left their places 
of abode, and founded new empires, while they 
passed through and subjected the fruitful and cul- 
tivated countries of Southern Asia, until unnerved 
by luxury and effeminacy, consequent on the 
change in their habits of life, they in their turn 
were in a like manner subjected. 

3. From this common origin may be explained 
in part the great extent, in part the rapid rise and 
the usually short continuance of these empires. 

4. The developement of their internal form of 
government, must for the same reason have had 
great resemblance ; and the constant reappear- 
ance of despotism in them is to be explained 



CONSTITUTION OF THE ASIATIC EMPIRES. 23 

partly from the rights of conquerors, partly from 
their great extent, which rendered a government 
of Satraps necessary. 

5. To this we must add, that the custom of po- 
lygamy, prevailing among all the great nations of 
inner Asia, ruined the mutual relations and obli- 
gations of domestic life, and thus rendered a good 
constitution impossible. For a domestic tyrant is 
formed instead of a father of a family, and despot- 
ism at once gains its foundation in private life. 

It is necessary, if we would avoid playing with words, to 
fix the idea of despotism and despotic governments. We 
must in theory distinguish three essentially different kinds of 
government, the Despotic in which the members of the state 
possess a guarantee neither for the possession of their rights 
as men (personal liberty and the security of property), nor 
of their rights as citizens (active participation in the legisla- 
tive power). Such a constitution exists only from compul- 
sion, but can never become sanctioned by law. 2. The 
Autocratic, in which the members are in full possession of 
their rights as men, but not of their rights as citizens. It 
arises from the union of the legislative and the executive 
authority in the person of the ruler. It is in its form either 
monarchical or aristocratic. (Pure monarchy, pure aris- 
tocracy). Such a constitution can arise indeed by usurpa- 
tion, but also by prescription, or even by free agreement, and 
may therefore be lawful. 3. The Republican, in which the 
members of the state are possessed of their rights as men 
and as citizens. It presupposes the division of the legisla- 
tive and executive authorijy, and can likewise in its form be 
monarchical or aristocratic. (Limited monarchy and aris- 
tocracy). How far can pure democracy be called a gov- 
ernment, and be classed among the former ? The govern- 
ment in the empires of Asia was despotic, though attempts- 
were made to limit it, by religion and religious legislation. 



24 FIRST DIVISION. PERIOD BEFORE CYRUS. 

6. General steps in the gradual progress of all 
empires, founded by conquering Nomades. a. First, 
the mere occupation of rich countries and the col- 
lection of tribute, b. Hence the usual continuance 
of existing governments among the conquered or 
tributary nations, c. General transition from fixed 
places of abode, and the building of cities, together 
with the adoption of the customs and culture of 
the conquered, d. The division into provinces 
and the government of Satraps founded upon it. 
e. Revolts of the Satraps and the internal downfall 
thus prepared. J. As also not less by the luxury 
and the indolence of the rulers, necessarily arising 
in governments administered from the Seraglio. 
g. And therefore the downfall or complete ruin of 
the empires on a powerful shock from abroad. 



Fragments of the History of the Ancient Asiatic 
Empires before Cyrus. 

Sources of the same and their value: 1. Jewish writ- 
ings, especially the books of the Kings, the Chronicles, and 
the Prophets, together with the Mosaic accounts. 2. Gre- 
cian Historians, Herodotus, Ctesias, and Diodorus ; later 
Chroniclers, Syncellus, Eusebius, Ptolemaeus. 3. Domes- 
tic writer, Berosus. The attempt is a vain one to arrange 
in one connected sketch the accounts of writers, differing 
so much ill their age and country. Yet this has been at- 
tempted by Sevin, Freret, and De Brosse in their disserta- 
tions in the Memoires de 1' Academic des Inscriptions. 



ASSYRIANSS 25 

Recherches Nouvelles sur I'histoire ancienne (par M. de 
Volney, P. I. II. III. 1 808— 1814.) Very important and 
profound ; as far as it contains a view of the Chronology of 
Herodotus. 

I. ASSYRIAN MONARCHY. 

1. Among the Greeks Assyrian was the general 
name for the ruling nations on the Euphrates and 
Tigris before Cyrus. Among the Jews on the 
contrary, the term was limited to a particular con- 
quering nation, and founders of an empire. There- 
fore a necessary diffex'ence exists between the 
Greek and the Hebrew accounts. 

2. Assyrian history, according to Grecian sourc- 
es, especially Ctesias and Diodorus, contains noth- 
ing more than mere traditions of ancient heroes 
and heroines, who in the countries on the Eu- 
phrates and the Tigris once founded large empires. 
The events are not chronologically ascertained ; 
but there are traditions in the Spirit of the East 
of Ninus — Semiramis — Ninyas — Sardanapalus. 

According to Herodotus, an Assyrian empire lasted 520 
years, from 1237 — 717. Catalogues of the Assyrian kings 
are found in Syncellus and Eusebius. 

3. Assyrian History according to Jewish sources. 
Chronological history of an Assyrian empire be- 
tween 800 and 700 before Christ. — The nation 
was established in Assyria, properly so called. — 
The chief city: Nineveh on the Tigris. — Their 
dominion was extended as far as Syria and Phe- 
nicia. 

Series of the Assyrian kings : 1. Pful about 773. Syria 
^as invaded. 2. Tiglat Pileser about 740. He overturns 
the kingdom of Damascus. 3. Salmanassar about 720. He 



26 FIRST DIVISION. PERIOD BEFORE CYRUS. 

destroys the kingdom of Samaria. The inhabitants are 
transferred to inner Asia. 4. Sanherib about 714. Great 
preparations are made for an invasion of Egypt, which was 
defeated by a plague. 5. Assarhaddon.* 

II. MEDIAN MONARCHY. 

1. The Greeks often use the name Mede of a 
nation, but it is also often used as the general ap- 
pellation of the ruling nations in the East of Asia, 
from the Tigris to the Indus, (or Persia in the 
larger signification of the word) before Cyrus. — 
By the Jews the Medes are only mentioned in a 
general manner, as a conquering and devastating 
nation. 

2. Although it is alike unquestionable, as well 
from the accounts of Grecian writers, as of the 
Zendavesta, that, long before the Persian, extensive 
empires flourished in those countries, especially in 
the Eastern parts, or Bactria, we have yet abso- 
lutely nothing like a connected or chronological 
history of them ; but only a few fragments, prob- 
ably of Dynasties, which ruled in Media proper, 
just before the Persians. 

a. The history of the Medes by Herodotus. The Medes 
of Herodotus are the inhabitants of Media proper. They 
were divided into six tribes, among which that of the Magi 
is to be distinguished. — The nation was dominant after the 
fall of the Assyrians. — The chief city of their empire was 
Ecbatana. — Boundaries : On the West the Tigris and 
Halys, on the East indefinite. — Internal constitution : the 

* Cotemporary : Among the Jews, the divided kingdoms of 
Israel and Judah. Among the Cireeks : Archons for ten years 
at Athens. Among the Romans : the origin of their state and 
the two first kings. 



MEDES. BABYLONIANS. 27 

doininion of nations and their chiefs over one anotlier, ac- 
cording to their distance ; rigid despotism, and the exac- 
tion of tribute. — Series of kings between 717 and 500, 
b. Ch.*). Dejoces 53 years. He bi-iih Ecbatana, 657. — 
Phraortes 22 y. till 635. The conqueror of Persia. Cy- 
axares I, 40 y. till 595. He created the art of war among 
the Medes. Wars with the Lydians — the Assyrians. In- 
vasion of the Scythians and Cimmerians 625. Nineveh 
conquered 597. Astyages 38 y. till 560, when he was de- 
throned by Cyrus. But according to Xenophon there fol- 
lowed yet a Cyaxares II. h. The history of the Medes 
according to Ctesias, taken from Persian archives, in Dio- 
dorus. This probably relates to another dynasty in Eastern 
Asia. Series of kings from 800 to 560, b. Ch. Arbaces, 
conqueror of the Assyrians, 18 y. Mandaucus 50 y. So- 
sarmus 30 y. Artias 50 y. Arbianes 22 y. Artaeus 40 y. 
and Artynes 22 y. Great wars with the Eastern Nomadic 
nations, the Saci and Cadusii. Artibarnas 14 y. Astyages 
the last king. 

III. BABYLONIAN MONARCHY. 

Periods : 1. Before the Chaldean conquest, 
about 630. 2. After the Chaldean to the Persian 
conquest, 630 — 538. 

1. From the first period mere fragmentary ac- 
counts have descended to us. Even in the earii- 
est ages of hoary antiquity the name of Babylon 
was not only known, but in the traditions of the 
Hebrews the country appears as the earliest the- 
atre of political union, and the first place of gath- 
ering for the nations in Asia. Traditions respect- 
ing Nimrod — the building of the tower of Babel. 

* CoteraporaFy : among the Jews the empire of Judah alone ; 
among the Greeks : annual Arehons — Draco — Solon. Among 
the Romans : kings from Tullus Hostilius to Servius Tullius. 



*28 FIRST DIVISION. PERIOD BEFORE CYRUS. 

Compare these traditions with the Babylonian 
Mythology of Berosus. — Among the succeeding 
Jewish writers of this period the historic accounts 
are meagre ; and Babylon was probably a depen- 
dency on the Assyrian empire. 

2. In the second Period 630 — 538, the Babylo- 
nians are the dominant nation in Western Asia.* 
The Chaldeans gain possession of Babylon, and 
establish themselves there, extending their domin- 
ion by conquest as far as the Mediterranean. 

Is a distinct nation signified by the Chaldean name, or is 
it applied generally to the Northern Nomades ? — Series of 
Chaldean kings. In the catalogue of them, preserved by 
Ptolemy, the series begins with Nabonassar, and the era 
named from him with the year 747 b. Ch. (perhaps be- 
cause by introducing in his reign the solar year of the Egyp- 
tians, a safe mode of reckoning time became known to the 
Chaldeans). Neither he, nor his next twelve successors, 
are of any further note in history ; but only the six last 
kings. 1. Nabopolassar 627 — 604. The residence is fixed 
in Babylon ; and the Chaldee-Babyloniun dominion firmly 
established by the victory at Circesium over Pharao Neco 
604. 2. Nebuchadnezar 604 — 561. Splendid period of 
the Babylonian-Chaldean empire. He conquers Phenicia 
and Old Tyre about 586. Jerusalem 587 ; perhaps also 
excursions into Egypt. Vast buildings and water-works in 
and about Babylon. After his death the empire rapidly de- 
clines under 3. Evilmeradach 561 — 559. 4. Neriglossar, 
(probably the cotemporary of the Nitocris of Herodotus ;) 
— 555. 5. Labosoarchad, murdered after a few months. 
6. Nabonnedus, (in Herodotus Labynedus ; probably the 

* Cotemporary : among the Jews the last kings of Judah. 
Among the Greeks : Solon— Pisistratus. Among the Romans : 
Tarquinius Priscus and Servius Tnllius. 



TROJANS. PHRYGIANS LYDIANS. 29 

Chaldean Belshazzar ;) 555 — 638. He is attacked and 
conquered by Cyrus. Babylon conquered by the Persians 
538. 

Compare the Chapters on the Babylonians in Heeren's 
Ideen, &tc. vol. 1, 2d division. 

IV. STATES AND KINGDOMS IN ASIA MINOR. 

The vast multitude and variety of the inhabi- 
tants of this peninsula was probably the cause, 
why they never united to form one empire. 
Among these the Carian tribe in the West, the 
Phrygian in the interior as far as the Halys, the 
Syrico-Cappadocian beyond the Halys, and the 
Thracian in Bithynia were the most extended. 
Yet we find there but three kingdoms, which 
merit to be mentioned in historj^, the Trojan, the 
Phrygian, the Lydian. 

1. The Trojan kingdom embraces western My- 
sia. Its history is a history of traditions, preserv- 
ed only by poets ; the dates of events cannot be 
fixed with certainty. 

Kings : Teucer about 1400. — Dardanus — Erichthonius 
— Tros (Troja) — Ilus (Ilium) — Laomedon — Priamus. The 
destruction of Troy after a ten years' siege probably took 
place 1190 b. Ch.* 

2. The kingdom of Phrygia. The kings almost 
all bore the name of Midas and Gordius ; but it is 
utterly impossible for criticism to ascertain the se- 
ries of them. After the death of the last, who is 
called Midas V, Phrygia became a province of the 
Lydian kingdom about 560. 

* Cotemporary ; among the Jews : Period of the Judges ; 
tjefore the building of Rome 450 years. 



30 FIRST DIVISION. PERIOD BEFORE CYRUS. 

3. The kingdom of Lydia. The Lydians (Mae* 
onians) were a branch of the Carian tribe. Ac- 
cording to Herodotus three dynasties are enume- 
rated in the Lydian kingdom ; that of the Atyades 
till 1232; that of the Heraclidae till 727; and that 
of the Mermnades till 557 ; but the two first are 
almost entirely fabulous ; and the history of Lydia 
begins with the last dynasty.* 

Kings : Gyges till 689. From this time constant wars 
with the Grecian colonial cities along the sea. Gyges gains 
Colophon by conquest. Ardys till 640. He takes Priene. 
Under him an irruption of the Cimmerians. Sadyates till 
628. Alyattes till 571. The Cimmerians are driven back. 
Smyrna is taken. Croesus till 557. He takes Ephesus. 
He subjects Asia Minor as far as the Halys. It is under 
him, that a Lydian empire is first established ; which is, 
however, soon prostrated by Cyrus. Asia Minor becomes 
a province of the Persian Empire. 

V. PHENICIA. 

The Phenicians belong, it is true, to the most 
remarkable nations of Asia in this period ; yet we 
have no complete, or even continuous history of 
them ; but only separate accounts, from which, 
however, a picture of them in its great features 
may be traced. 

On the particular sources of the Phenician history. — It is 
a question, how for Sanconiathon deserves to be here men- 
tioned. Hebrew writers, especially Ezekiel ; Greeks : Jo- 
sephus, Eusebius, &-c. and the fragments contained in them 
from Menander of Ephesus and Dius, historians of Tyre. 

* Cotemporary in Asia : the Median and Babylonian empire. 
Among the Jews the last period of the kingdom of Judah, 
Among the Greeks annual Archons at Athene. Among the 
Romans the Kings. 



PHENICIANS. 31 

Memoires sur la Pheniciens par 1' Abbe Mignot ; in Me- 
moires de I'Academie des Inscriptions. T. XXXIV — 
XLII. A series of 24 dissertations. 

The chapter on the Phenicians in Heeren's Ideen, '&c, 
vol. 1, 2d division. 

1. Remarks on the internal condition of Pheni- 
cia. It did not form one state, or at least not one 
kingdom ; but contained several cities with their 
territory. But among these leagues were formed, 
and by this means a sort of supremacy of the more 
powerful established, especially of Tyre. 

2. Yet notwithstanding Tyre stood at the head, 
and perhaps also usurped a supremacy in the con- 
federacy, each individual state still preserved its 
constitution within itself. In each of them we 
find kings ; who seem, however, to have been 
limited princes, in as much as there were magis- 
trates at their side. Strict despotism could not 
long subsist in a nation, which carried on com- 
merce and founded colonies. Of the several cities 
Tyre is the only one, of which we have a series 
of kings, and even this series is not altogether 
unbroken. 

The series of these kings, preserved by Josephus and 
Menander, begins about 1G50 before Christ, with Abikal the 
cotemporary of David, The most remarkable are : Hiram, 
the successor of the former ; — Ethbaal I. about 920. — Pyg- 
mahon, the brother of Dido, about 900. — Ethbaal II. under 
whom Tyre was destroyed by Nebuchadnezer, 586. Ori- 
gin of New Tyre — Republican constitution under SufFetes : 
tributary kings under the Persian supremacy ; — New Tyre 
taken by Alexander 332. The flourishing period of Phe- 



32 F*IRST DIVISION. PERIOD BEFORE CYRUS. 

nicia in general, and especially of Tyre, was therefore be* 
tween 1000—332.* 

3. In this period the Phenician nation was ex- 
tended by sending out colonies ; of which some, 
especially Carthage, became as powerful as the 
mother cities. 

General ideas on founding colonies. 1. They are neces- 
sary to every commercial nation, so soon as commerce ex- 
tends to remote countries. 2. They also afforded the 
means of preventing the evils, that result from a too great 
increase of the class of the needy. 3. They vv^ere also not 
unfrequently the consequence of political troubles, when the 
discontented party voluntarily or on compulsion emigrated, 
and selected for themselves places of abode in foreign lands. 

4. Geographical view of the Phenician colonies. 
At a very early period they were possessed of 
most of the islands of the Archipelago, from 
which, however, they were again driven by the 
Greeks. Their chief countries for colonization 
were partly southern Spain, (Tartessus — Gades — 
Cartejay) partly the Northern Coast of Africa, to 
the left of the lesser Syrtis (Utica — Carthage — 
Adrumetum), partly also the Northwest Coast of 
Sicily (Panormus, Lilybaeum). It is very highly 
probable, that they also had settlements to the 
East, in the Persian gulf, on the islands Tylos and 
Aradus (the Bahhrein islands). 

5. The view of the Phenician colonies serves 
as a foundation for the view of their commerce 

* Coteraporary in inner Asia : the Monarchies of the Assyri- 
ans, Medes, and Babylonians. Among the Jews : Period of the 
kings after David. Among the Greeks : from Homer to Solon. 
Among the Romans : in the two last centuries the period of their 
kings. 



PHENICIANS. 3t3 

and navigation ; which, however, was extended 
still further than their settlements. It began 
among them, as many other nations, with plunder- 
ing by sea, and in Homer they still appear as pi- 
rates. Their chief objects were a. Their colonial 
countries Northern Africa and Spain, especially 
the latter on account of its productive silver mines. 
h. Beyond the Pillars of Hercules the western 
coast of Africa ; Britain and the Scilly islands for 
tin, and probably for amber, c. From the harbors 
on the northern extremity of the Arabian Gulf, 
Elath and Ezion-Geber, they in connection with 
the Jews traded with Ophir, i. e. the rich South- 
ern countries, especially Arabia Felix and Ethio- 
pia, d. From the Persian Gulf to the nearer In- 
dian Peninsula and Ceylon. And e. they also un- 
dertook several great voyages of discov- ^^^^^ goo 
ery, among which the sailing round Africa b. c. 
is the most important. 

6. But their traffic by land, consisting for the 
most part of the traffic done in the caravans, was 
of not inferior importance. The chief branches 
of it were : a. The Arabian traffic by caravans for 
spices and incense ; directed as well to Arabia 
Felix, as to Gerra near the Persian Gulf. b. The 
traffic with Babylon by way of Palmyra ; and from 
there, yet only through a medium, across Persia 
as far as little Bucharia and little Thibet, per- 
haps even as far as China, c. The traffic with 
Armenia and the neighboring countries for slaves, 
horses, vessels of copper, &c. &c. 

7. To finish the sketch, we must add their own 
fabrics and manufactures ; especially their estab- 

5 



34 FIRST DIVISION. PERIOD BEFORE CYRUS. 

lishments for weaving and dyeing ; (the purple 
dye with a liquor extracted from shell fish) ; and 
manufactures of glass and play-things, which were 
disposed of to advantage in their trade with rude 
nations, which commonly consisted in barter. — 
Several other important inventions, among which 
that of letters deserves to be first named, are at- 
tributed to them. 

VI. SYRIANS. 

1. The inhabitants of Syria, 2000 years before 
Christ, were already at the time of Abraham's so- 
journing among them, a nation dwelling in cities. 
Still their country did not form one state, but con- 
tained several cities with their territory, which 
had each its chief or its king. Among them Da- 
mascus, Hemath, &c. are known in the earliest 
antiquity. 

2. Yet they were often oppressed 1 y foreign 
conquerors ; and Syria, especially in the age of 
about David, became a Jewish Province. But 
1040. under Solomon it again broke free, whilst 
one, who had been a slave, possessed himself of 
Damascus. 

3. A kingdom of Damascus was now formed, 
which however embraced at the same time the 
greatest part of Syria, in as much as the kings in 
the other cities were tributary to those of Damas- 
cus ; and which was increased, especially at the 
expense of the divided kingdoms of Judah and 
Israel.* 

* Cotemporary in inner Asia : Assyrian empire. Among the 
Jews: the kingdoms of Israel and Judah. Among the Greeks : 
establishment of the Asiatic colonies. — Lycurgus. 



JEWS. 36 

The kings, known from the books of the Chronicles, are: 
Reson about 980. Benhadad 1. about 900. Hasael about 
850. Benhadad II. about 830. Rezin. 

VII. JEWS. 

The history of the Jewish nation begins with 
the patriarch of the nation, with Abraham ; but 
that of the Jewish state with the taking of Pales- 
tine. It may be divided into three periods. I. 
The history of the Jews as a nomadic nation 
from Abraham till the establishment of their state 
in Palestine 2000—1500. 11. History of the Jew- 
ish State as a federative republic under the high 
priests and judges 1500 — 1000. III. History of 
the Jewish state under the monarchical constitu- 
tion 1100 — 600, at first as one kingdom — 975; and 
afterwards with the divided kingdoms Israel and 
Judah till the downfall of the latter, 588. 

Of the sources of the Jewish history. — Their Annals ;— 
the books of Judges, Samuel, Chronicles, Kings. Ques- 
tions arise as to the manner of their origin, and in how far 
their authors were, each in his turn, cotemporary with the 
events described. Are the Hebrew poets, especially the 
prophets, of value for the purposes of history ? Josephus — 
an inquirer into the antiquities in his Archaeology, and a 
cotemporary historian in his History of the Roman war. 

As yet we unfortunately have no treatise of the Jewish 
history previous to the Babylonian exile, written as it should 
be, without superstition and without scepticism. Such works 
as Berruyer Histoire du peuple de Dieu depuis son origine 
jusqu' a la naissance de J. C. Paris. 1742*. in 10 vols. 8 vo. 
and the continuation depuis la naissance de J. C. 10 vols. 
by no mean? do away the want. Relandi antiquit. sacrae 
Hebr. ; the writings of J. D. Michaelis, especially his notes 
,tQ the translation oC the Old Testament, and his treatise on 



36 FIRST DIVISION. PERIOD BEFORE CYRUS. 

the Mosaic Law, as also the works of J. G. Eichhorn, par- 
ticularly his introduction to the O. T. ; and Herder on the 
Spirit of Hebrew poetry, contain excellent materials for a 
proper history. 

I. Period of the Nomadic condition from Abraham 
till the conquest of Palestine. — Under Abraham, 
Israel, and Jacob they formed but one nomadic 
2QQQ family, which, however, during a residence 
till about in Lower Egypt increased to a nomadic 

1550 

nation, that sojourned there for the space 
of 430 (according to others 250) years in depen- 
dence on the Egyptian Pharaohs, and were divid- 
ed into 12 tribes. But as they grew to be numer- 
ous and therefore formidable, the Egyptian Pha- 
raohs, according to the usual policy of the Egyp- 
tians, insisted on their building and residing in 
cities. Unaccustomed to oppression, they remov- 
ed from Egypt under Moses, and under him and 
his successor Joshua conquered the promised land, 
Palestine. 

Of Moses and his law-giving.— What did he adopt frora 
the Egyptians, and what was not taken from them ? — The 
worship of Jehovah in the national sanctuary and by national 
festivals, according to ceremonies strictly prescribed, was 
to be the point of union for the whole nation, and the politi- 
cal bond to connect the tribes. Of the cast© of Levites in 
comparison with the Egyptian caste of priests. 

J. D. Michaelis Mosaisches Recht. Gottingen. 1778, 
Sic. 6 vols. 8 vo. The commentator has perhaps sometimes 
seen more than the law-giver. 

II. Period of the federative Republic — From 
the taking of Palestine to the establishment of 
Monarchy 1500 — llQi). 



JEWS. 37 

1. This period may in general be characterized 
as the heroic age of the nation, which after its 
gradual transition to stationary abodes and agri- 
culture lived in constant altercations with their 
neighbors, partly the Arabian nomades, partly the 
Philistines and Edomites. ImpossibiHty of the 
entire extirpation of the ancient inhabitants ac- 
cording to the design of Moses. The worship of 
Jehovah was, therefore, never the only one in the 
country. 

2. Internal constitution. As the country was 
divided according to tribes, and these were kept 
distinct, the constitution of tribes remained estab- 
lished for a long time. Each tribe preserves itg 
chief and elders, as in the nomadic condition. But 
in the worship of Jehovah all the tribes have a 
mutual bond, which forms of them a confederated 
state. In the cities, especially, magistrates were 
appointed, to whom scribes from the order of the 
Levites are added. 

3. The continuing union of the nation and the 
preservation of the Mosaic law are especially pro- 
moted by dividing the tribe of Levites among 48 
cities of their own, scattered through the whole 
land, and by making the high Priesthood heredi- 
tary in the family of Aaron. 

4. But when after Joshua's death no leader of 
the united army appeared again at the head, this 
religious bond was not sufficient, especially as the 
jealousy of the weaker tribes was awakened to- 
wards the stronger. The high Priests appear at 
that time to have possessed no political influence. 



38 FIRST DIVISION. PERIOD BEFORE CYRUS. 

The oppression from abroad alone prevented the 
entire dissolution of the national union. 

5. The Jews are at one time an independent, 
at another a tributary nation. In the seasons of 
oppression heroes from time to time arise among 
them, and as chief magistrates and leaders of a 
part of the nation, or even of the whole people, 
and at the same time as zealous advocateci for the 
worship of Jehovah, free them from servitude : 
the Judges, especially Athniel, Deborah, and 
Sampson. Of the miraculous in their history, 
about 6- Restoration of the worship of Jehovah 
1150. by Samuel. Samuel becomes a Judge, and 
rules as one entrusted with the counsels of Jeho- 
vah. His sons themselves defeat his plan, to make 
the judicial dignity hereditary in his family. The 
nation desires a king, whom Samuel, as the inter- 
preter of Jehovah, is to appoint. His artful policy 
in the choice, which he cannot prevent. He se- 
lects in Saul the man of the least political impor- 
tance, but the tallest and the most comely among 
the people. A formal constitution, according to 
the command of Moses, is prepared, and deposited 
in the national sanctuar}^ 

Causes, which led the nation to demand a king. — Earliev 
attempts, especially of Abimelech, to become king. 

HI. Period of the Monarchy, from 1100—600. 

1. The Jewish State as one kingdom, from 1100 
(1095)— 975. 
1. Saul, the new king, maintains himself by his 
victory over the Ammonites ; his authority is gen- 
erally acknowledged at an assembly of the people, 



JEWS. 3^ 

in which Samuel resigns his dignity as judge. 
But as Saul, when victorious, would not continue 
under the guardianship of Samuel, as he himself 
ventures to consult Jehovah, they become mutu- 
ally embittered. The offended Samuel himself 
secretly anoints another young man as king, Da- 
vid, the son of Jesse, who by his heroic deeds is 
able to support himself, and escapes the jealousy 
of Saul. — Saul preserves his station amidst con- 
tinued wars with the neighboring nations, about 
in which wars he, together with all his i'^^^- 
sons but one, loses his life. 

2. Condition of the nation and the constitution 
under Saul. The king is little more than the 
mere leader of the armies, bound to act according 
to the commands of Jehovah ; without a court or 
a fixed residence. The nation still continued to 
be a mere agricultural and pastoral people, with- 
out wealth and luxury ; but gradually acquiring a 
warlike character. 

3. David succeeds him 1055—1015; but not 
without opposition. Eleven tribes declared them- 
selves for Ishbosheth, the surviving son of Saul ; 
Judah, his own tribe, alone acknowledges David. 
It is not till after seven years, after Ishbosheth 
had been murdered by David's men, that David 
is acknowledged as king by the whole nation. 

4. Entire revolution of the nation and change of 
the constitution under David, who reigned alone 
for the space of 33 years. A new residence is 
fixed at Jerusalem, which is at the same time in- 
tended to be the seat of the national sanctuary. 
The strict observance of the worship of Jehovah. 



40 FIRST DIVISION. PERIOD BEFORE CYRUS. 

as the exclusive national worship, and the political 
importance of the same. 

5. The Jewish state receives large additions by 
conquests. The war with Hadad-Esar prepares 
the way to the conquest of Syria and Idumea. 
The kingdom extends from the Euphrates to the 
Mediterranean, and from Phenicia to the Arabian 
Gulf. The government gradually becomes a des- 
potism, and is administered from the Seraglio, of 
which the political consequences are seen towards 
the end of the reign of David, in the insurrections 
headed by his sons. 

6. Reign of Solomon 1015 — 975; the splendid 
reign of a despot, unwarlike, but fond of display, 
and of a cultivated mind. The government was 
administered from the interior of the seraglio. 
The kingdom is differently organized, for the 
maintenance of the court. Connections are form- 
ed with the neighboring states, especially with 
Tyre ; and thus a participation in the commerce 
of the Southern countries is secured. The com- 
merce was carried on from the harbors on the 
Red Sea conquered by David ; but only as a mo- 
nopoly of the court. 

7. The metropolis grows rich by the splendid ex- 
penditures of the court ; but the country is impov- 
erished and oppressed, especially the more remote 
tribes. The gradual internal decline is hastened 
by the introduction of the worship of foreign 
Gods, in connection with that of Jehovah, which 
Solomon seems at first by the building of the 
temple to have intended to make the only one, 
according to the design of his father. An abortive 



JEWS. 41 

attempt to produce an insurrection is made by- 
Jeroboam ; and another by the Edomites, who re- 
main tributary under their own kings , and Syria, 
which had been gained by conquest, is actually 
lost by the foundation of the kingdom of Damas- 
cus, even in the life-time of Solomon. 

8. Solomon is followed by his son Rehoboam, 
but immediately on his accession to the Govern- 
ment, the discontent, which was indirectly increas- 
ed by Rehoboam, breaks out into a rebellion. Je- 
roboam is recalled from Egypt, and ten tribes 
acknowledge him as their king. Only the two 
tribes, Judah and Benjamin, remain true to Re- 
hoboam. 



2. The Jewish state as a divided kino;dom. 975—588. 

1. Relation of the two kingdoms, Judah and Is- 
rael, to each other. Although Israel was larger, 
and also more populous, Judah, on account of pos- 
sessing the chief citj, was richer, and the power 
of the two kingdoms, therefore, nearly equal. For 
this very reason the contest between them was 
the more obstinate. 

2. The kings of Israel endeavor to confirm the 
political division of the nation by establishing a 
sanctuary in their own territory, and prohibiting 
their subjects from visiting tlie ancient national 
sanctuary in Jerusalem. They were, therefore, 
denominated enemies of the worship of Jehovah. 
But even in the kingdom of Judah, several kings 
were so impolitic in their views, as to introduce 
the service of other Gods beside the worship of 
Jehovah. But oppression itself preserved the ser- 

6 



42 FIRST DIVISION. PERIOD BEFORE CfillUS^. 

vice of Jehavah ; tlie number and the political in- 
fluence of the prophets increased the more, th^ 
more that seasons of anxious alarm rendered the 
oracles of Jehovah necessary, and the idea of a 
future, more prosperous period, under a powerful 
king, the idea of the Messiah and his kingdom, is 
further developed, by the very lively recollection 
of the splendid reign of a David. — The schools 
of the prophets- 

3. The jealousy and the wars between the two 
kingdoms not only continue with little interrup- 
tion, but become more dangerous by means of 
connections with foreign princes, especially with 
the kings of Damascus and of Egypt. The rise 
of vast empires in the interior of Asia finally put 
dn end to these weak kingdoms. 

Chief Points in the history of the two separate kingdoms. 

1. The empire of Israel, 975 — 722, under 19 kings of dif- 
ferent houses, who succeed each other by means of violent 
revolutions. 1. Jeroboam f954. The city Sichem is laid 
out for a royal residence, and sanctuaries established at 
Bethel and Dan, and priests appointed, who were not of 
the tribe of Levi. Constant wars with the kings in Judah. 

2. Nadab, Jeroboam's son, murdered 953 by 3. Basha f 930. 
By his alliance with the kings of Damascus he brought the 
kingdom Judah into great danger. 4. Ela, murdered 929 
by one of his generals. 5. Zimri, but in opposition to him, 
the army immediately elected 6. Omri, who had, however, 
in the beginning of his reign a competitor in Tibni f 925. 
Omri builds the new capital, Samaria, f918. He is suc- 
ceeded by 7. his son Ahab. Close connection by a mar- 
riage with the king of Sidon, and introduction of the Pheni-"^ 
cian worship of Baal. Wars with Damascus, in which Ahab 
finally falls, 897. Under Ahab an alliance is made with the 



JEWS. 43 

king of Judali. He is succeeded by his sons 8. Ahaziah 
f 89G and 9. Jehoram. The aUiance with Judah continues. 
Jehoram is murdered by Jehu 883. 10. Jehu. He extirpates 
the house of Ahab, which had given Israel four kings, and 
sets aside the worship of Baal. The kings of Damascus 
rake from the kingdom of Israel all the country beyond the 
Jordan. Jehu f856. He is succeeded by his son 11. 
.fehoahaz f 840. The wars with Damascus, in which Israel 
is unsuccessful, continue. 12. Jehoash j825. He routs the 
king of Damascus and of Judah. 13. Jeroboam II. f784. 
Restoration of the kingdom of Israel in its ancient extent. 
After an unquiet interregnum of 12 years, the throne is as- 
.scended by his son 14. Zachariah 773, who is killed the 
very same year, and with whom the house of Jehu comes 
to an end, having given Israel five kings. His murderer 
15. Shallum is after a month killed in his turn by 16. 
Menahem f7Gl. Under him the first campaign of the 
Syrians under Pul, of whom he purchases peace by paying 
tribute. 17. His son Pekahiah, is murdered 759 by 18. 
Pekah. Under him the campaign of Tiglath Pileser of 
Assyria, and the destruction of Damascus. He is murder- 
ed 740 by 19. Hoshea, who after an anarchy of eight years 
at last gains the throne. He seeks by an alliance with 
Egypt to free himself from the Assyrian tribute ; but Shal- 
maneser, the king of Assyria, makes war upon him, takes 
Samaria, and makes an end of the kingdom of Israel, carry- 
ing the inhabitants away capti\e into the interior of Asia, to 
Media 722. 

2. The kingdom of Judah under twenty kings of the 
house of David 975 — 588. The throne passes successivelyj 
and for the most part quietly from father to son, and is only 
twice interrupted, by the usurpation of Athaliah, and the in- 
terference of foreign conquerors. 1. Rehoboam f95S. 
Jerusalem remains the royal residence, but as early as the 
reign of Rehoboam, the worship of Jehovah was neglected, 
from the introdiiction of foreign Gods. Beside the war with 



44 FIRST DIVISION. PERIOD BEFORfi CYRUS. 

Israel, Jerusalem is attacked and plundered by Shishack, the 
king of the Egyptians. 2. Abijah f955. 3. Asa. He 
was by the kings of Israel and Damascus jointly, and mighty 
perhaps have fallen, had he not been so successful as to di- 
vide their alliance ; f914. 4. Jehosaphat, the restorer of 
the worship of Jehovah, and founder of an alliance with the 
kingdom of Israel. He fails in the attempt to restore the 
navigation on the Red Sea to Ophir. f89l. 5. Jehoram. 
The alliance with Israel is strengthened by his marriage 
with Athaliah, the daughter of Ahab ; but Idumaea during 
his reign broke entirely free from the kingdom of Judah. 
f 884. 6. His son Ahaziah was killed 883 by Jehu, the 
murderer and successor of Jehoram, king ot Israel. 7. His 
mother Athaliah gains possession of the throne, and causes 
all the members of the royal house to be murdered ; one 
son only of Ahazias 8. Joash, a child is saved from destruc- 
tion, educated secretly in the temple, and after seven years, ^ 
by means of a revolution excited by the High Priest Jehoiada, 
forcibly placed upon the throne ; and Athaliah put to death 
877. Joash governed under the guardianship of the priests ; 
the worship of Jehovah is, therefore, restored. Yet threat- 
ened by Hazael, king of Damascus, he is compelled to pay 
him tribute. He was killed 838. 9. Amaziah. He beat 
the Edomites, but was himself beaten by Jo-ash, king of Is- 
rael, by whom even Jerusalem was plundered. He was 
killed 811, and followed 10. by his son Azariah (or Uzia). 
He becomes leprous and died f 759. During his life time, 
his son 11. Jotham f743 shared in the government. The 
wars with Damascus and Israel are rekindled. 12. Ahaz. 
f 728. The alliance of the kings of Damascus and Assy- 
ria induces Ahaz to call Tiglath Pileser from Assyria to his 
assistance, who destroyed the kingdom of Damascus, and 
made those of Judah and Israel tributary. 13. Hezekiah. 
f 699. He frees himself from his dependency on Assyria. 
Samaria is destroyed 722 during his reign by Salmanassar ; 
and when his successor Sanherib 714 undertook the invasion 



■lEws. 45 

of Egypt, Jerusalem also was besieged, but happily freed, 
as the whole attempt utterly fails. Under his government 
Isaiah prophecies. 14. Manasseh f 644. During his reign 
of fifty-five years the Phenician worship of Baal was gener- 
ally introduced ; the service of Jehovah declines, and the 
laws of Moses fall into oblivion. 15. Amon is murdered 
as early as 642. 16. Josiah. He restores the temple and 
the worship of Jehovah. The book of laws, which had 
fallen entirely into oblivion, is found again, and a strict re- 
form is made according to it. But the conquests of the 
Egyptian king Nechoh in Asia strike Palestina first of all, and 
Josiah remains on the field in the battle 611. His son 17, 
Jehoahaz is in three months dethroned by Pharaoh Nechoh. 
and his brother 18. Jehoiakim placed on the throne as a 
tributary prince. But by the rise of the Chaldee-Babylonian 
empire Pharaoh Nechoh after the battle at Circesium 606 is 
stripped of his Asiatic possessions, and Jehoiakim becomes 
tributary to Nebuchadnezzar ; f 599. Age of the prophet 
Jeremiah. — His son 19. Jehoiachin only three months after- 
wards, at the time of the second invasion of Nebuchadnezzar, 
is, together with all the distinguished part of the nation, 
carried away into the interior of Asia (beginning of the Baby- 
lonian exile), and his paternal uncle 20. Zedekiah is plac- 
ed on the throne as a tributary king. But upon his forming 
an alliance with Egypt, to throw off the Babylonian yoke, 
Nebuchadnezzar came for the third time, took Jerusalem 
588, and caused it to be razed, and Zedekiah, after his 
eyes had been put out and his children executed, was like- 
wise with the rest of the nation carried to Babvlon. 



41^ ArRICAN JVATIONS. 



GENERAL. PKELIMINARY GEOGRAPHICAL INFORMATION ON 
ANCIENT AFRICA.* 



]♦ Although the Phenicians once circumnavi- 
gated Africa, still the northern half only of this 
continent was known in antiquity. But this was 
more accurately known than at present, for the 
lands along the coast were occupied by cultivated 
and commercial nations, who penetrated far into 
the interior. This was done even by the Cartha- 
ginians and Egyptians in their time ; still more by 
the Macedonian Greeks under the Ptolemies ; and 
also even under the Romans. War, hunting, and 
commerce contributed to this result. 

2. Africa as a whole differs from Asia alike in 
its position and in its form. Whilst Asia lies al- 
most exclusively in the temperate zone, Africa 
lies almost wholly in the torrid. Whilst Asia is 
rich in gulfs, that enter far into the land, and in 
might}' rivers, Africa forms almost a regular trian- 
gle, and, in the whole Northern half, has only two 
large streams, the Nile and the Niger. No won- 
der then, that this part of our earth seems to form 
a world by itself, peculiar in its products as in its 
inhabitants ! 

* See Ideen, &c. vol. ii, page 2 & ff. 



AFRICANS. 47 

3. According to its physical character, Northern 
Africa is divided into three regions, which even 
in antiquity were distinguished by pecuhar names. 
The land on the coast of the Mediterranean, with 
the exception of 1 ripolis, or the Regia Syrtica, is 
for the most part a very fruitful country, and was, 
therefore, in all ages thickly inhabited. Hence it 
is called in Herodotus : the inhabited Africa ; at 
present Barbary. Above this under the 30° N. L. 
there follows a mountainous country, through which 
the chain of the Atlas extends ; abounding in wild 
beasts, and in dates ; Herodotus therefore calls it, 
Africa, abounding in beasts : the Arabians, the 
land of dates (Biledulgerid). Above this from 30° 
to 20 " N. L. Africa as well as Arabia is crossed by 
the Sandy Region, which was thence known among 
the ancients as the moderns by the name of Africa 
deserta, or the desert of Sand (Sahara). The fruit- 
ful tracts beyond the wilderness on the banks of 
the Niger, were for the most part unknown to the 
Greeks ; and are included in the general name of 
Ethiopia ; although this name chiefly marked the 
countries above Egypt. But they knew of several 
fertile spots m the desert, the Oases, such as Au- 
gila, Ammonium, and the Oases of Egypt. 

4. There is no pohtical divisijn, embracing all 
Africa ; only the Northern coast was the abode of 
civilized nations, Egyptians, Cyrenaeans, and Car- 
thaginians, and of these only the first were abo- 
riginal. The rest wandered about as Nomades. 
or formed senate states, which we know to have 
existed, but of which we postjess no history. — 
Along the coast, from the Sinus Plinthinete*!. 



48 KIRST DIVISION. PERIOD BEFORE CYRUS. 

• 

Egypt is followed, 1. by Marmarica, witliout cities^ 
for the most part a desert, and inhabited exclu- 
sively by nomadic tribes, from 40o — 47o E. L. 2. 
The fruitful tract colonized by the Greeks, Cyre- 
naica, extending as far as the great Syrtis 37 — 40° 
N. L. Cities : Cyrene, Barca. 3. I'he territory 
of Carthage, extending from the great Syrtis 
37o to 250 E. L. It embraced a. The country 
between the great and little Syrtis (Regio Syr- 
tica), the present kingdom of Tripoli ; a sandy 
tract, chiefly inhabited by Nomades. b. The im- 
mediate territory of Carthage (Kingdom of Tunis). 
A very fruitful district ; the southern part Byza- 
cena, the northern Zeugitana. Cities : Carthage, 
Utica, &c. 4, Numidia and Mauritania ; inhabited, 
in the days of Carthage, by Nomadic nations onl}^ 
Along the coast there were some cities built by 
colonies from Carthage. 

EGYPTIANS. 

Geographical Hints. Egypt in its square con- 
tents is equal to two-thirds of Germany, and may 
therefore be reckoned among the larger countries 
of our earth ; but in respect to its physical quali- 
ties it is very unequal. The land immediately on 
the banks of the Nile, as far as the floods of that 
river extend, are alone fruitful in corn ; the re- 
mainder on the West is a desert of sand, and on 
the East, a rocky, mountainous region. The Nile, 
from its entrance into Egypt from Syene till 
within about seventy miles of its mouth near the 
city Cercasorus, flows in an undivided channel, 



EGYPTIANS. 49 

and in a strait direction from South to North, in a 
valley, which on the West is enclosed by sandy 
deserts, and on the East by mountains of granite, 
and is from ten to sixteen miles in breadth. At 
Cercasorus the river is divided into two principal 
arms, of which the East discharges itself in the 
Mediterranean at the city Pelusium, the West at 
the city Canopus (ostium Pelusiacum and Canopi- 
cum) ; from each of these, several secondary arms 
are divided ; so that in the age of Herodotus they 
counted seven mouths of the Nile, although the 
number has not always remained the same. The 
land between the two extreme arms of the Nile 
bears the name of Delta from its triangular shape ; 
and was filled with cities ; and excellently well 
tilled. The Egypt, fruitful and inhabited by cul- 
tivated men, was therefore limited to the vallej^ 
of the Nile on both sides of the river from Syene 
to Cercasorus, and the Delta ; to which are to be 
added a few spots, abounding in fountains, in the 
midst of the western desert, and ki^own by the 
name of Oases. — The fruitfulness of the Delta as 
well as of the valley of the Nile, in the almost 
entire want of rain, especially in Upper Egypt, 
depended on the overflowings of the Nile, which 
periodically occur. They begin in the beginning 
of August, and contiime till the end of October ; 
so that during these three months the above-men- 
tioned portions of the country are covered with 
water. 

Egypt is divided into Upper Egypt, from Syene 
to the city Chemmis, (chief city, Thebes or DioSf 
polis) ; Middle Egypt, from Chemmis to Cercagpr 



50 FIRST DlVISIO^.. PERIOD BEFORE CYRU^, 

rus, (chief city, Memphis); and Lower Egypt, 
which comprises the Delta and the land on both 
sides of it, and was full of cities, of which Sais is 
particularly worthy of note. 

Above Egypt comes Ethiopia (Aethiopia supra 
Aegyptum), which from the earliest times seems 
to have stood in an intimate connection with Egypt, 
especially of a commercial nature. The countries, 
just above Egypt, which are usually included un- 
der the name of Nubia, are for the most part a 
mere desert of sand, which have from the begin- 
ning been traversed by marauding Nomades ; 
whilst along the shore of the Arabian gulf a rocky 
chain of mountains extended, which also filled up 
the corresponding part of Egypt ; and derived in 
Nubia a still greater importance, from the rich 
mines of geld which it contained, and which were 
found just above the Egyptian boundar}^ The Nile, 
which in Nubia, takes a great bend to the west, is 
here full of rocks, and its navigation is therefore 
difficult ; yet the banks are fruitful and inhabited, 
and rich in monuments of antiquity. Yet ascend- 
ing still further, from 16^ N. L. the character of 
the country changes ; fruitful districts commence ; 
and their costly products, gold as well as incense, 
have always made these provinces rich commer- 
cial countries. Here even in the time of Herodo- 
tus, Meroe was celebrated, with a capital of the 
same name. It comprises the land, included be- 
tween the two rivers, the Nile on the West side, 
and the Astaboras (Tacazze), which empties into 
the Nile, on the East ; for which reason, though 
not with strict propriety, it is often called an isl- 



EGYPTIANS. 5 1 

and. It extended to the sources of the Nile, or 
the present province Gojam, where the caste eft' 
Egyptian warriors, which for the most part emi- 
grated under Psammetichus, had been established. 
Meroe itself formed a state of priests with a king 
at the head, like the Egyptian states. — The city 
Axum or Auxume is not, it is true, mentioned till 
a later period, but yet, to judge from the remain- 
ing ruins, appears to have been of equal antiquity 
with the ancient Egyptian cities and with Meroe. 
So too Adule. 

The Egyptian history is naturally divided into 
three periods, of unequal extent. Of these the 
first, the earliest period, extends to the Sesostri- 
dae, about 1500 b. C. ; the second, that of the Se- 
sostridae, or the splendid age of Egypt to Psam- 
metichus, from 1500 to about 650 ; the third, froni 
Psammetichus to the Persian conquest, 650 to 525a 



FIRST PERIOD. 

From the earliest times to the Sesostridae about 
1500 before Christ. 

Sources: 1. Jewish writers. Moses. His accounts fiir- 
uish a faithful picture of the F^gyptian state at his time, but 
no continuous histpry. — Ffom Moses till Solomon (1500 — 
1000 b. C.) entire silence of the Hebrew writers respecting 
Egypt. From Solomon till Cyrus (1000 — 550) separate 
fragmentary, but for the most part very meagre accounts. — 
In^jortance and advantages of the Jewish accounts, in a^ 
fnr a" they arc purely historical. — 3. Grecian writers.- «. 



52 FIRST DIVISION. PERIOD BEFORE CYRUS. 

Herodotus. The first, who gave a history of the Egyptians. 
About 70 years after the overthrow of the throne of the 
Pharaohs by the Persian conquerors, he collected in Egypt 
itself the accounts of the early history of the country from 
personal intercourse with the priests, the men the best in- 
formed on the subject, and committed them faithfully to 
writing, as he had heard them. If therefore we desire to 
estimate rightly the value of his accounts, the question pre- 
sents itself. What did the priests know of the early history 
of their country .'' And before this can be answered, we 
must first learn, in what manner historical information was 
preserved among the Egyptians from the earliest periods. 

The earliest history of the Egyptians, like that of other 
nations, was one of traditions. But they more early than 
other nations, obtained a mode of writing, by Hieroglyphics, 
of which the signs, taken from natural objects, do not, like 
the letters of the alphabet, represent sounds, but ideas. It 
is in its nature less perfect than the mode of writing by let- 
ters : 1. Because it can denote only a small circle of ideas, 
iand these only by themselves, without connection and gram- 
matical relations, or at least all this in a very imperfect man- 
ner. 2. Because it is not so much adapted to the purposes 
of writing, as of painting or engraving, and therefore is not" 
so useful for books as for public monuments. 3. Because 
it is not of itself intelligible, but only by the assistance of a 
key, which needs to be preserved by an equal tradition, of 
which the priests were exclusively possessed ; but which in 
the course of so many centuries could with difficulty be 
preserved unmixed with falseljood ; especially as 4. The 
same image seems often to have been used for designating 
very different objects. Egyptian history, therefore, in the 
mouth of Egyptian priests, could scarcely be more than » 
history, depending on public monuments, for that very rea- 
son merely fragmentary, and consequently no continued 
chronology ; in fine, a history not to be ynde^stood except 



EGYPTIANS.. 53 

by the interpretation of Hieroglyphics, and of course liable 
to various misinterpretations.* 

These preliminary views on early Egyptian history, wrll 
receive their full confirmation, if we examine the narration 
in Herodotus, of the Egyptian kings before Psammetichus.f 
We may clearly infer from it : 1. The whole history de- 
pends on a series of public monuments, which were either 
in or around Memphis. In a strict sense we might say it 
depended on a single monument in Memphis itself; the 
temple of Vulcan or Phtha, the chief temple in this city. 
The history begins with Menes, who first erected it (cap. 99), 
and of each of his successors it is mentioned what he had 
done to enlarge or beautify the edifice ; those, on the con- 
trary, who made no additions to it, but left behind them 
other monuments (as the builders of the Pyramids), were 
called oppressors of the people and contemners of the Gods ; 
and of those, who left none at all, they were able only to 
repeat a list of the names. 2. The series of these kings is, 
therefore, not uninterrupted ; although the priests gave it to 
Herodotus as such ; but there are great chasms in it, as a 
comparison with Diodorus clearly shows. Hence no sys- 
tem of chronology can be based upon it. 3. The whole 
history is interwoven with narrations, which are derived 

[* Since the edition of this history, from which we arc trans- 
lating, was published, the continued investigations of Young 
and Champollion have led to the results : 

1. " That no Egyptian writing is entirely representative, as 
is generally believed, and as the Mexican paintings seem to be. 

2. " That there does not exist, upon Egyptian monuments, 
any writing entirely ideographic; that is to say, using only a 
mixture of figurative and symbolic characters. 

3. " That the primitive writing of Egypt, on the other hand, 
is not entirely phonetic. 

4. " But that hieroglyphic writing is a complex system, a 
mode of writing at once figurative, symbolical, and phonetic, in 
the same text, the same phrase, and even in one and the same 
word."] 

t Herod IT, cap. 99—150. 



54 KIRST DIVISION. PERIOD BEFORE CYRUSi 

from hieroglyphic representations, and are, therefore, them- 
selves allegorical ; of which, however, we cannot resolve 
the meaning ; since the priests were either themselves igno- 
rant of it, or unwilhng to communicate it; and not improba- 
bly substituted false explanations of their own. To this 
class belong that of the robbery of Rhampsinitus, as well as 
of his journey to the lower world, where he played at dice 
with Ceres (cap. 121. 122.), of the daughter of Cheops 
(cap. 127.), of the bhndness of Pheron and the manner of 
his cure (cap. 111.) &c. That this charge is not without 
foundation, may be plainly seen from two examples, the 
one cap. 131, where it is remarked by Herodotus himself; 
the other cap. 141, where we learn the proper explanation 
from other sources. Besides, the attempts of the priests, 
common even in the times of Herodotus, to make Grecian 
and Egyptian mythology accord with each other, gave rise 
to many interpretations, which the critic cannot admit, as, 
e. g., the whole history of king Proteus, which is much 
grecianized, cap. 112 — 115. — Against the correctness of 
the general result of this investigation, that the Egyptian 
historical narrative of Herodotus is nothing more than a 
narrative, resting for its support on public monuments, and 
concealed under the veil of hieroglyphics, there remains a 
single objection, which might yet be raised. It is, that the 
Egyptian priests had an alphabet beside their hieroglyphics, 
and, therefore, in addition to those public monuments may 
also have had written annals in the strictest sense ; but He- 
rodotus himself refutes this objection. All that the priests 
could tell him, in addition to the accounts already cited, 
was the names of 330 kings after Menes ; (whom it is the 
custom to place always at the head of the Egyptian reck- 
onings of time ; being probably an allegorical personage, 
designating the year or the land) ; and these names they 
read to him from a roll of papyrus. But they knew noth- 
ing further, than the names, because these kings had left 
no monuments of themselves (cap. 100.). Hence, Eilthough 



EGYP-WANS. ."yb 

we can fix neither the source nor the time, whence and 
when the Egyptians received the mode of writing with tlic 
alphabet, we can yet assert with confidence, that they either 
were destitute of it till the time of Psammetichus, or made 
no further use of it for their historical annals than to write 
down names. 

h. Besides Herodotus, we find names of Egyptian kings 
cited in Diodorus*). This author, who wrote 400 years 
after Herodotus, compiled his account of Egypt from vari- 
ous Greek writings. Between him and Herodotus there is 
no opposition ; if we but regard the series of kings in Hero- 
dotus as not without chasms. Diodorus, too, did not design 
to furnisk perfect catalogues of Egyptian kings ; but only of 
the remarkable ones; yet with mention of the intervening 
periods according to ages. 

c. From both of these the Egyptian priest Manetho is 
distinguished, who lived during the reign of Ptolemy Phila- 
delphus about 260 b. C, and wrote Aegyptiaca, of which 
several fragments (though their genuineness is disputed) 
have been preserved in Josephus, besides lists of kings in 
the chronicles of Eusebius and Syncellus. This catalogue 
is divided into three divisions (Tomos), of which each con- 
tains several dynasties, that are named from the different 
cities of Egypt. Of each dynasty, the number of the king.", 
it furnished, and of the years it continued, is m3ntioned. — 
If in the time of Herodotus the Egyptian priests could fur- 
nish the names of 330 kings, it is in no degree surprising, 
that such catalogues existed in the time of Manetho, and 
were consulted by him. But whether his catalogues are 
the same, which were read to Herodotus, remains of course 
uncertain ; still it is probable from the circumstance, that 
the number of kings in Manetho agrees pretty well with that 
in Herodotus. Yet much must here remain uncertain and 
unsettled, since we have the catalogues of Manetho at third 
hand, and disfigured by a multitude of errors in copying- 

*Diod. L. I. 



56 FIRST DIVISION. PERIOD BEFORE CYRUS- 

The Moderns, who have treated of Egyptian antiquities, 
from Kircher Oedipus Aegyptiacus 1760. to de Pauw Re- 
cherches sur les Egyptiens et sur les Chinois 1772, have 
but too frequently published their own theories and dreams 
for truth. Attempts at chronological order have been made 
particularly by Marsham in his Ganon Chronicus ; and by 
Gatterer in his Synchronistic Universal history. — As lead- 
ing works we enumerate : 

Jablonski Pantheon Mythicum Aegyptiacum. 1750. 8 vo. 

Gatterer Commentationes de theogonia Aegypt. in Com- 
mentat. Societ. Goetting. T. Vll. 

De Origine et usu Obeliscorum auctore G. Zoega. Ror 
mae. 1797. 

L'Egypte sous les Pharaons, ou Recherches sur la Ge- 
ographic, la Religion, la Langue, les Ecritures, et I'Histoire 
de I'Egypte avant I'invasion de Cambyse, par ChampoUion 
le jeune. T. I. II. 1814. Both parts, devoted to Geogra- 
phy, contain the restoration of the names of the ancient 
Eg);ptian provinces and cities according to Coptic autlior- 
ities. 

[An account of some recent discoveries in Hieroglyphical 
literature, and Egyptian Antiquities, &;c. &ic. By Thomas 
Young. London. 1823. 

Precis du Systeme Hieroglyphique des Anciens Egyp- 
tiens, on Recherches sur les Elemens Premiers de cette 
Ecriture Sacree, &;c. Par M. ChampoUion le jeune. Paris*. 
1824. For an abstract of this work see the American 
Quarterly Review, Vol. I. No. 2. Philadelphia. 1827.] 

Commentationes Herodoteae scribebat Frid. Creuzer. 
Aegyptiaca et Hellenica. Pars I. Lipsiae. 1819. A series 
of the most acute and learned illustrations of several points 
of Egyptian antiquities, which illustrations were occasioned 
by several passages in Herodotus. 

The chapter in Heeren's Ideen, &£c. 1815. Part II. Vol. 
n. on the Egyptians. In particular the introduction p^ 
Hieroglyphics^ 



EGVPTIAUIS. 57 

For ihe best drawings of the Egyptian monuments we 
are indebted to the French expedition to Egypt. Those 
of Denon in his Voyage en Egypte very much surpass the 
earher ones of Poeocke and Norden ; but are in their turn 
far surpassed in the magnificent work : 

Description d'Egypte, Antiquites. P. I. II. 111. Of these 
P. I. cq^itains the monuments of Upper Egypt from the 
Nubian boundary to Thebes ; P. IT. III. exclusively the 
monuments of Thebes. On this subject consult the monu- 
ments of Egyptian Thebes ; an appendix to Heeren's Ideen, 
&tc. &tc. P. II. Vol. II. of the third edition. 

1. The beginning of political culture in Egypt 
precedes the time of history; for even in the age 
of Abraham, and still more that of Moses, Egypt 
appears to have had a constitution so fully devel- 
oped, that a long period must have been necessa- 
ry, to elevate the nation and the state to that de- 
gree of culture, which we see it to have then at- 
tt^ned. We can, therefore, safely assert, that 
Egypt belongs to the oldest countries of our earth, 
in which a political union was formed, although it 
never can with certainty be decided, whether such 
union was not formed in India at an earlier period. 

2. The causes, which made Egypt so early a 
land of culture, are to be sought for partly in its 
natural character, and partly in its situation ; and 
Egypt is, therefore, to be considered not merely 
by itself, but in connexion with the rest of Africa. 
It is in all Northern Africa, the only country' that 
lies on a river of magnitude and capable of being 
navigated without interruption ; without which river 
it would be a desert, like the countries of this con- 
tinent under the same latitude. Here the two ex- 
traordinary circumstances mjeet, that on the one 

8 



5^ FIRST DfVISION. PERIOD BEFORE CYRUS. 

side the river by its overflowings so prepares the 
ground, that the sowing of the seed is almost the 
only labor ; and yet on the other opposes so many 
hindrances to the considerable progress of agri- 
cultine (by the necessity of canals, dams, &c. &c.), 
that human invention must necessarily be aroused 
by them. While these causes operated to pro- . 
mote in Egypt agriculture and various branches of 
luiowledge li&ving reference to it, the situation of 
the country in the vicinity of regions producing 
gold and spices in abundance, and in the middle 
between Africa and Asia, favored the commerce 
and trade of the nation ; and in all ages Egypt is 
seen to be the chief seat of inland commerce, or 
that of the caravans. 

3. Thus there was necessarily a different condi- 
tion of things in the fruitful valley of the Nile from 
that in the deserts of Lybia. Several smaller 
states seem to have been organized in that valley, 
long before any larger Egyptian kingdom existfed. 
Their origin is naturally hid in an obscurit}^, which 
history cannot now entirely dissipate. Yet from 
the monuments and the accounts it seems clear, 
that Upper Egypt was first the seat of culture ; 
which advancing from the South, was extended 
still further to the North by the establishment of 
colonies. This probably was the result of an emi- 
gration of a foreign race, differing from the black, 
as is proved by the images, as well of sculpture as 
of painting, upon the still existing Egyptian monu- 
ments. 

4. The accounts of the high antiquity of politi- 
cal culture not only in India, but also in Arabia 



EGYPTIANS. 59 

Felix, as well as in Ethiopia, especiall}^ in Meroe 
and the obvious traces of" ancient commerce be- 
tween these Southern countries, afford an eas} 
explanation of such emigrations, although the pe- 
riod of them cannot be chronologically settled. 
But religion unquestionably had no less a share in 
them. The civil compact was not probably at a 
later period connected with religion, but was fron\ 
the beginning founded upon it. The progress of all 
political culture could not therefore but depend, if 
not solely, yet chiefly, on the caste of priests and 
their extension. 

General explaaation of the idea of a division into castes. 
The first origin of castes was from the difference of the 
tribes in a country, and of their mode of living. — This was 
more fully developed in despotic governments. — This theo- 
ry, applied to Egypt and the Egyptian caste of priests, con- 
siders that caste to have been an original, more cultivated^ 
tribe. 

r>. The peculiarity of this caste was the worship 
of certain divinities, among which Amnion, Osiris, 
and Phtlia, (whom the Greeks compared with their 
Jupiter, Bacchus, and Vulcan,) are the most re- 
markable. The extension of this worship, v/hich 
was always connected with temples, furnishes the 
(jkarest vestiges of the extension of this caste, 
and these traces, in addition to the accounts of the 
Egyptians themselves, lead to the inference, that 
this caste was a tribe from the South, passing 
over Mero5 into Ethiopia, constantly extendit^g 
itself further by the establishment of inland colo- 
nies, that is of temples and what appertained to 
them ; and finally making the worship of its God5 
the ruling one in Egypt. 



6j0 FIRST DIVISION. PERIOD BEFORE CYRUS. 

The correctness of this view is apparent from the express- 
testimony respecting Thebes and Ammonium, as having had 
their origin in Meroe ; and this origin is further shown by 
the continuing worship of Ammon. In Hke manner Mem- 
phis and other places in the valley of the Nile are said to 
have been established by emigrants from Thebes. 

6. This supposition, agreeing with the usual , 
course of population, is still further confirmed by 
the very ancient division of the land into districts. 
This division was made according to the principal 
temples, which formed so many settlements of 
the caste of priests ; so that the inhabitants of 
each district also belonged to the chief temple, 
and joined in the religious worship which belong- 
ed to each. 

7. Thus by the gradual extension of that culti- 
vated tribe, to which not only the caste of priests 
but also of warriors, and perhaps even some oth- 
ers belonged, several small states seem to have 
been formed along the banks of the Nile, and of 
each of these states the central point was always 
such a settlement ; of which each at the same time 
comprised the neighboring native or even immi- 
grating tribes. The bond, holding each individual 
state together, was therefore, as in most states in 
the childhood of the human race, a common wor- 
ship, in which all the members of the state took 
part. But agriculture, (what in the more South- 
ern Africa on account of the nature of the soil and 
climate could take place but in a slight degree or 
not at all,) was here the great support of civiliza- 
tion, and the advancement of it, as of the true 
foundation of states, became in consequence the. 
chief object of the policy of the Fulijig caste. 



EGYPTIANS. 6 1 

The idea is not a just one, that the Egyptian caste of 
priests was in possession of mere speculative knowledge ; 
lor their knowledge had reference almost exclusively to 
practical life, and therefore became in their hands the in- 
strumenta dominationis over the great mass, to which they 
were thus indispensably necessary, and which they thus 
preserved in subjection. — Explanation of the close relation, 
which their divinities, their astronomical and mathematical 
knowledge, bore to agriculture. 

8. According ta the catalogues of Manetho, 
these separate Egyptian states were first found 
in Upper, and Middle Egypt ; in the former, in 
Thebes, Elephantine, This and Heraclea ; in the 
latter in Memphis. It is only in his last division, 
that he mentions states in Lower Egypt ; and they 
were in Tanis, Mendes, Bubastus and Sebennytus. 

To these states, therefore, the 330 kings belong, whose 
names after Menes the priests read to Herodotus ; an^i so 
too those, whom Diodorus mentioned as preceding Sesos- 
tris ; aniong \vhom Busiris the second is called the builder 
of Thebes ; and Uchoreus the builder of Memphis. Euse- 
bius and Syncellus have preserved from Manetho many 
names of those kings ; which Marsham has taken great 
pains to compare and arrange. 

9. Which of these states were cotemporar}^ and 
how they succeeded each other, cannot be settled 
with certainty, from the want of a safe and contin- 
uing Chronology. Thebes was certainly one of the 
oldest, if not the very oldest ; older than Mem- 
phis, which was established from it. Several of 
them, according to the usual course of things, be- 
came powerful, and swallowed up the rest. At 
this earl}' period Thebes and Memphis at least 
were distinguished. 



&2 FIRST DIVISION. PERIOD BEFORE CYRUS*. 

Tlius This and Elephantine appear to have been united 
with Thebes ; and the slates in lower Egypt with Memphis. 

10. It appears from the Mosaic accounts, that 
about as early as the age of Joseph, the state of 
1700. Memphis (if indeed, he resided here, as it 
seems, and not in On, or Heliopolis,) embraced 
Middle and Lower Egypt ; with a numerous and 
splendid court, a caste of priests and warriors, ex- 
tensive agriculture, and various institutions, which 
give evidence of deeply rooted culture. But as 
Joseph established bond-service in this state, and 
the class of free possessors of the soil disappear- 
ed, since with the exception of the priests the 
king became the sole landed proprietor, greater 
dangers impended from future convulsions. 

11. Meanwhile these convulsions came from 
abroad. Egypt, surrounded on all sides by No- 
madic nations, often suffered from their invasions^; 
sometimes from the South, sometimes from the 
East. But these incursions seem never to have 
been more violent or more continuing, than they 
were soon after the age of Joseph. Arabian Be- 
douins overwhelmed Lower Egypt ; and their 
chiefs, named Hycsos by the Egyptians, establish- 
ed themselves here, fortified Awaris or Pelusium, 
and extended their dominion to Memphis, where 
they probably fixed their abode. They are de- 
scribed as oppressors of religion and the caste of 
the priests ; but though they may originally have 
been so, yet if the age of Moses corresponds with 
theirs, they must gradually have adopted Egyp- 
tian manners and culture, somewhat as the Mon-^ 
goles in China. Yet they seem never to have be;- 



EGYPTIANS. 63 

come masters of Thebes and Upper Egypt ; and 
the long continuing contest with them was proba- 
bly seldom entirely remitted, or at least only for a 
short season. 

The government of llie Arabian Hycsos falls between 
1700 and 1500 ; therefore during the same Moses, and the 
emigration of the Jews. When Josephus declares them to 
have continued 500 years, the long periods of the wars are 
probably included. 

12. The Hycsos were finally overpowered and 
driven from Upper Egypt by the king Thumosis 
of Thebes. The consequence of this was the re- 
storation of the freedom and independence of 
Egypt ; and also of the continuing union in one 
kingdom ; since the rulers of Thebes now became 
the masters of all Egypt. This expulsion of the 
Hycsos, in itself the most important national un- 
dertaking, could not but be the more deeply im- 
pressed on the memory of the nation, since by it 
the foundation of the following splendid period of 
the kingdom was laid. 

The expulsion of the Hycsos appears to have been made 
a chief subject of art among the Egyptians, and to have 
been represented on one of the large temples of Thebes (De 
Non pi. 133.). 



SECOND PERIOD. 

From the Sesostridae to the monarchy of Psam- 
metichus ; from 1500 to 650. 

The sources of this period remain the same ; and the 
history still preserves the character of a hieroglyphic history. 
To this period belongs the series of kings, beginning with 



64 



M' 



F^lllST DIVISIOJM. PERIOD BEFORE CYRUS. 



Sesdstris, preserved by Herodotus ; as well as the series in 
Diodorus. They accord almost entirely, if we do but re- 
gard the series of Herodotus, not as uninterrupted, but as a 
fragnientary series, connected merely with public monu- 
ments. The following Table (in which we also insert those 
before Sesostris,) shows the coincidence. 



According to Herodotus. 

MiENES. 

Hereupon follow the 330 
kings (of the preceding 
divided period) ; among 
them 18 Ethiopians, and 
one woman Nitocris. 



Moerib. 

ibesostria. 
Pheron, his son. 



Proteus, at the time of the 

Trojan war. 
Rhampsinitus. 



According to Diodorus. 

Menes. 

After him 52 successors in 
more than 1400 years. 

Busiris I. and 8 successor?, 
of whom the last 

Busiris II. The builder of 
Thebes. 

Osymandyas and 8 succes- 
sors ; of whom the last 

Uchoreus, builder of Mem- 
phis. 

Aegyptus, his grand-child. 
After 12 ages 

Moeris. 

Seven ages. 

Sesostris or Sesoosis. 

Sesostris II. son df the for- 
mer, who adopted the name 
of his father. 

Chasm of many ages. 

Amasis, and the Ethiopian 
Actisanus. 

Mendes m- Manes, the build- 
er of the labyrinth. 

Anarchy for five ages. 

Proteus or Cetes, at the tSme 
of the Trojan war. 

Remphis, son of the preced- 
ing. 

Seven ages ; during these 
Nileus, from whom the 
Nile bears its name. 



EGYPTIANS. 



65 



According to Herodotus. 
Cheops, who built the great 
pyramid. 

Chephres, brother of the for- 
mer, and builder of a py- 
ramid. 

Mycerinus, son of Cheops, 
and builder of a pyramid. 

Asychis, the law-giver. 

Anysis, who was blind. 

Sabaco, the Ethiopian. 

Anysis, the second time. 

Sethos, a priest of Vulcan. 

Dodecarchy. 

Psammetichub, of Sais, sole 
mler. 



According to Diodorus. 

Chemmis or Chembes, from 
Memphis, who built the 
great pyramid. 

Cephren, brother of the for- 
mer, and builder of a py- 
ramid. 

Mycerinus, son of Chemmis, 
and builder of a pyramid. 

Bochoris, the law-giver. 

Chasm for many ages. 

Sabaco, the Ethiopian. 



Dodecarchy. 

Psammetichus, of Sais, sole 
ruler. 



This comparison of Diodorus shows plainly, not only that 
the series of Herodotus is often interrupted, but also, that 
no regular chronology can be established, since Diodorus 
repeatedly leaves the number of ages unsettled. The com- 
parison with tHe Troj.in war appears to give one fixed date ; 
but the visible effort of the priests in Herodotus to compare 
their traditions with those of the Greeks, may here likewise 
reasonably excite suspicion. We must therefore be content 
with estabhshing the dates of events in a general manner ; 
but if the age of Sesostris, according to the greatest proba- 
bility, is to be placed in the 15th century b. Ch. (See Zoega 
de Obeliscis), the dates admit on the whole of being gener- 
ally settled. 

1. The following period till towards its close 
was the splendid age of Egypt, during which it 
seems hardly to be doubted that the whole king- 
dom was united in one state ; for the kings are 
described to us as rulers of the whole. And what 
could be more natural, than that a period of great 
developement of strength, and consequently of 



66 FIRST DIVISION. PKRIOD BEFORE CYRUS. 

external conquests, should follow the expulsion ot 
the foreigners ? The seat of the government must 
have been Memphis, which by its situation was 
much better adapted to be so than Thebes ; for 
the series of kings in Herodotus is arranged en- 
tirely after the monuments of Memphis, especi- 
ally after the temple of Phtha ; the enlargement of 
which by new buildings is mentioned of each of 
the kings with the exception of the builders of 
the Pyramids. 

2, This splendor of the kingdom was principally 
the work of Sesostris, the son of Amenophis, who 
obtained the government not long after the begin- 
ning of this period. He became by way of eminence 
the great king of the Egyptians. By whom will 
the narration of his exploits, as they are celebrat- 
ed in the traditions of the priests, and as the rep- 
resentations on the monuments appear even yet 
in part to exhibit them, be considered as literally 
true ? And yet who is willing to call in question 
the actual existence of the prince, confirmed as it 
is by so many and so various monuments both 
within and without Egypt ':* 

A critical estimate of the value of the narrations respect- 
ing the nine years expeditions and conquests of Sesostris 
(they were chiefly directed against the rich commercial 
countries,) appears to restrict those by land to Ethiopia, 
Asia Minor, and a part of Thrace ; those by sea to Arabia 
Felix, and the neighboring coasts, perhaps as far as the 
Indian peninsula. Can these seem very improbable in an 
age, in which western Asia as yet contained no one large 
empire ? — The great internal undertakings attributed to him, 
i:he vast buildings, the canals, the division of the country, 
and the collection of tribute according to an established 
-ffcale, mark him out as the riJer of all Egypt. 



EGYPTIANS. 67 

3. Notwithstanding these great changes, the 
constitution retains the same general character ; 
it is still an aristocracy of priests, united witii 
monarchy. If the kings (like the Indian princes) 
did not belong to the caste of priests, they were 
still limited bj^ it in many ways. A chief priest 
stood at their side ; a religious ceremonial bound 
them in public business, as in private life ; it was 
necessary for them to show their respect for the 
established worship by public monuments ; the 
offices of state were in the hands of the priests. 
The personal character of the king had unques- 
tionabl}^ great influence ; but how strong must- 
have been this aristocracy, to which even, success- 
ful conquerors were obliged to do homage ? 

4. To this period doubtless belongs the erec- 
tion, or at least the completion of many of the 
great monuments of Egypt. Herodotus mentions 
this particularly of the temples and pyramids in 
Memphis ; Sesostris is praised as the one, who 
built and adorned the temples; even the monu- 
ments in Thebais appear in part to contain repre- 
sentations belonging to these times. The com- 
mencement ma}^, it is true, have been much ear- 
lier ; since not one, but many ages are needed to 
complete such works, as Upper Egypt has to ex- 
liibit. And what is more natural, where a temple 
IS, in the strictest sense, the central point of the 
state } ' . ■•; 

5. At tiling time also, the interior relations of the 
nation, the division into castes, probably received 
their full developement. The caste of priests, in 
possession of all scientific knowledge, remained 



GQ FIRST DIVISION. PERIOD BEFORE CYRUS. 

for that very i^eason in possession of all the offices, 
of the state. The caste of warriors could scarce- 
ly be fully matured before the unity of the king- 
dom, the caste of water-men, before, the structure 
of canals ; although the origin of all was much 
more ancient. 

Comparison of the accounts of the division into castes ia 
Herodotus and Diodorus. The foreign character, belonging 
to the accounts of Herodotus, speaks in his favor, apart from. 
his greater antiquity. 

6. A continuous history of the kingdom can so 
much the less be given, as even the fragments in 
Herodotus, his stories about Pheron, Rhampsini- 
tus, Cheops, &c. can be nothing more than figura- 
tive narrations. And does the history of the blind 
Anysis signify any thing different from what Dio- 
dorus mentions without a figure, a great chasm, 
respecting which there exist no accounts ? 

7. The most prosperous period of the kingdom 
of the Pharaohs appears, therefore, to have been 
between 1500 and 1100 b. C. ; (although accord- 
ing to Diodorus this was interrupted by a long pe- 
riod of anarchy). Yet this state of splendor chang- 
ed towards the end of this period. A foreign con- 
queror from Ethiopia (probably from Meroe), Sa- 
baco, reduced Egj^pt to subjection ; and when he 
left it, a priest of Phtha, by the name of Sethos, 
contrary to usage, possessed himself of the throne ; 
and is, therefore, considered a usurper. He of- 
^^^ fended the caste of priests; and the attack of 

the Assyrian Senacherib might have been so 
much the more dangerous, had he not been divert- 
ed by a pestilence in his army„ 



EGYPTIANS. 6,9 

8. Yet still the Egyptian kingdom fell, and a 
multitude of separate governments (perhaps a sep- 
aration into the original kingdoms,) took place, 
twelve princes possessing themselves of the gov- 
ernment. This government, it seems, was intend- 
ed to have a certain unity -, but they soon had dif- 
ferences among each other, and forced one of them, 
Psammetichus of Sais, to fly from among them. 
Yet supported by Greek and Carian mercenary 
troops, he was able to avenge himself, driving out 
his antagonists ; and also acquiring for him- about 
self the undivided rule. ^^^' 



THIRD PERIOD. 

From the sole reign of Psammetichus to the Per- 
sian cotiquest of Egypt by Cambyses ; b. C 650 
—525.* 

Here the chief source of history is still Herodotus 11. 
cap. 125, &ic., but his narration ceases to be hieroglyphic 
in its character, and becomes purely historical. Under 
Psammetichus the caste of interpreters, at once the 
cicerones for strangers, and factors in the commerce be- 
tween the Egyptians and the Greeks. — Writing with al- 
phabetic characters was then not only known in Egypt, but 
also in general use, as the Egyptians had by this time ob- 
tained in the papyrus a material, well suited for ordinary 

* Coternporary : In Asia : Rise and fall of the Chaldee-Baby- 
lonian — and Rise of the Persian monarchy. — In Rome: kings, 
from Numa Pompilius to Servius Tullius. — In Athens : Draco 
— Solon — Pisistratus. -•— Among the Jews : last period and ruin 
of the kingdom of Judah ; and the Babylonian captivity. 



70 EIRST DIVISION. PERIOD BEFORE C¥RUfe'. 

writing. The assurance of Herodotus himself, that from 
this time the history is worthy of confidence, has nothing to 
excite surprise. 

1. From this period Egypt continues uninter- 
ruptedly to form one kingdom ; of which Mem- 
phis is still the chief city, although Sais in Lower 
Egypt is usually the royal residence. — Foreigners, 
especially Greeks, are received into Egypt ; partly 
as mercenary troops and partly as merchants. 
This exercises an influence on the national char- 
acter, and especially on the policy of the country. 
The spirit of conquest continues strong in the 
Egyptian kings, especially in reference to Asia ; 
and this gives occasion to the establishment of a 
naval force, and to wars with the large Asiatic 
empires. — The influence of the caste of priests is 
diminished, but not ended, and there are proofs of 
the respect of the kings for them, in the building 
and beautifying of temples, especially of the tem- 
ple of Phtha in Memphis. 

2. Psammetichus t610. He was enabled to be- 
come sole ruler by means of Greek and Carian 
mercenaries ; who now remain in the country as 
standing troops. The largest part of the Egyp- 
tian caste of priests, offended by this, emigrate to 
Ethiopia, and form a settlement there. The south- 
ern entrance to the temple of Phtha is built, and 
projects, for making conquests in Asia, commenced. 

3. The successor of Psammetichus was his son 
, Necho. His plans of conquest are enlarged. 

594. The first foundation of a naval force is made ; 
and a vain attempt to connect the Mediterranean 
sea wit}i the Arabian Gulf by a canal.'— The con. 



EGYPTIANS 7i 

quests in Asia extend as far as to the Euphrates ; 
but all that had been gained by conquest is lost 
after the victory of Nebuchadnezzar in the battle 
of Circesium. — It is at the instance of Necho^ 
that the circumnavigation of Africa is under- 
taken and successfully finished by the Phenicians. 

4. His successor and son Psammis. Con- ^ 
quests are made in the interior of Africa by ^'^s- 
an expedition against Ethiopia. 

5. Reign of Apries (Pharaoh-Ophrah of the ^ 
Hebrews). Extended plans of conquest are ^^^• 
formed partly against Asia, (Sidon is besieged 
and a naval battle fought against the Tyrians;) 
partly against Cyrene in Africa. The event is 
unsuccessful. This occasions a rebellion among 
the Egyptians, who were generally opposed to 
foreign wars ; which were for the most part car- 
ried on by the aid of foreign mercenary troops. 
The rebellion was headed by Amasis. In the 
civil war, which Apries with his mercenaries now 
carried on against the Egyptians under Amasis, 
he loses his throne and his life ; and with him the 
famil}^ of Psammetichus, which had till now been 
the ruling one, is entirel}* ruined. 

6. The usurper Amasis gains possession of | 
the government ; and although there was a ^2.-. 
powerful party opposed to him, which despised 
him for the meanness of his descent, he was yet 
able to maintain his ground, partly by his affabil- 
ity, partly by his devotedness to the priests. — 
His monuments are alike at Sais and at Memphis. 
— ^The Egyptians become better acquainted and 
more closely connected with the Greeks : partly 



72 FIRST DIVISION. PERIOD BEFORE CYRUS. 

by the marriage of tlieir king to a Grecian woman ; 
but principally by opening the mouths of the Nile 
to Greek merchants, and conceding Naucratis as 
a place of deposit for their wares. The conse- 
quences of this were great and beneficial for 
Egypt ; which attained the greatest degree of 
prosperity during the long reign of Amasis. But 
even he was involved in disputes with the Persian 
conqueror Cyrus ; whose son and successor Cara- 
byses undertook an expedition against Egypt^ 
which Amasis barely escaped by a seasonable 
death. 

7. His son Psammenitus, the last in the series 
of Egyptian Pharaohs, is conquered by Cambyses 
in the very first year of his reign. A single battle 
near Pelusium, and a short siege of Memphis were 
sufficient to overturn the throne of the Pharaohs, 

and reduce Egypt to a Persian province. 

The hatred of the conqueror was chiefly felt 
by the powerful caste of priests ; and the perse- 
cution, which they were doomed to suffer, is to be 
ascribed rather to policy, than to blind religious 
fanaticism. 

8. The condition and fate of Egypt as a Persian 
province. After the death of Cambyses it receives 
Persian governors, and forms, therefore, a satrapy 
by itself. As soon as the first storm had past, 
Egypt was mildly treated by the Persians. It 
paid a moderate tribute, to which are to be added 
some royal privileges, especially the fishery in 
the lake Moeris ; but still repeated insurrections 
broke out, which seem to have had their origin 
particularly in the hatred and the influence of the 



CARTHAGINIANS. 73 

caste of priests. The first took place under 438 to 
Darius Hystaspis, and was quelled by Xerx- ^^4. 
es. The consequence of it was the increase of 
the tribute. The second insurrection with 453 to 
the assistance of the Athenians un(Jer king ^^^• 
Inarus during the reign of Artaxerxes I. was quel- 
led by Megabyzus. The third insurrection 
took place under Darius II., which was of 
longer continuance especially on account of the 
assistance of the Greeks ; and by which the throne 
of the Pharaohs was in some measure restored. 

The revolt of the Egyptians lasted till 354. In this pe- 
riod we find named as kings : Amyrtaeus f 408. Psamme- 
tichiis about 400. Nephrons about 397. Pausiris f375. 
Nectancbus I. f 365. Tachos f 363. Nectanebus II. over- 
come by Artaxerxes III. 354. 



CARTHAGINIANS. 

Sources. The first great commercial and at the same 
lime conquering republic, which occurs in history, is un- 
questionably a phenomenon, particularly meriting the atten- 
tion of the historical inquirer. But unfortunately our knowl- 
edge of the early history of Carthage is very imperfect, 
since we have no writer, who has made it the chief subject 
of his work. The Greek and Roman historians had for 
their immediate subject the history of their own country, 
and mentioned Carthage, only as it stood in connection with 
it. This applies as much to Polybius and Diodorus as to 
Livy and Appian ; and the accounts of Justin, who alone 
speaks of the earlier fate of Carthage, are, it is to be re- 
gretted, very meagre ; yet taken from Theopompus (cf 
10 



74 t'lRBT DIVISION. PERIOD BEFORE CYRUS. 

Comment, de fontibus Justini in Comraenlat. Soc. Gotting. 
Vol. XV.). As we are lieic deserted by Herodotus, we are 
left entirely without a writer, who had seen Carlliage in its 
splendor ; Polybius saw only its ruin ; the rest wrote at a 
far later period. HowevCT, though a connected history of 
Carthage cannot be given, the groat features in the charac- 
ter of this state admit of being traced. 

Modern writers on Carthage : 

Hendrich de republica Carthaginiensiuni. 1664. A use- 
ful compilation. 

.Geschichte der Repubhk Carthago, in zwei Theilen. 
Frankfort. 1781. — Almost nothing but a history of wars. 

Dampmartin Histoire de la rivalilc de Cartilage et de 
Rome. T. I. II. 8 vo. — .Very superficial. 

The chapter on the Carthaginians in Heeren's Ideen, &tc. 
Vol. II. 1815. 

The history of Carthage can be divided with 
most convenience into three periods. I. From 
the building of the city to the beginning of the 
wars with S3 racusc ; from 880 — 480 b. C. II. 
From the beginning of the wars with Syracuse to 
the beginning of the wars with Rome ; from 480 
— 264. III. From the beginning of the wars with 
Rome to the destruction of Carthage ; from 264 
—146. 

FIRST PERIOD. 

From the building of Carthage to the wars ivith 
Syracuse ; from 880 — 480.* : . .< 

1. The foundation and first history of Cartha2;e 
was, like all other very early events of national 
importance, veiled by long traditions in the gar- 

* Cotemporary : in the interior of Asia : Empire of the Assy- 
rians, of the Babylonians, and the first part of the Persian em- 



CARTHAGINIANS. 75 

ment of romance. Tho traditions respecting its 
pretended founder Dido, cannot })e authenticated 
as pure historic trutFi ; yet they would seem to 
justify the inference that pohtical (hsturbances in 
the mother city Tyre, occasioned a party of emi- 
grants to direct their ste[)S to North Africa, where 
several Phenician cities had already been estab- 
lishecF. Here they obtained permission to build a 
city, in consideration of an annual tribute to be 
paid to the natives. Its situation was so happily 
chosen, that it depended only on the natives to 
raise it to the prosperity, it afterwards attained 

2. Slow a« the first growth of Carthage probabl} 
was, it stood at the end of this first period in its 
greatness, as the mistress of a large territory in 
Africa, and of still more extensive foreign posses- 
sions. The territory of Carthage in Africa began 
by the subjection of the neighboring native tribes 
and the foundation of colonies in their territory of 
Carthaginian citizens; who gradually became 
amalgamated with the natives, and accustomed 
themselves to agriculture and the habits of settled 
life. The inhabitants of this fruitful country which 
extended to the south as far as the Triton lake, 
were in every respect Carthaginian subjects. 

.3. But their relations with the old Phenician 
cities on the coast were ditt'erent, especially with 
Utica ; for although (Jarthage preserved a prepon- 
derance, yet it by no means usur[)ed an arbitrary 
superiority, but rather stood at the head of a league ; 

pire. Among tlie Greeks : Period from Lycurgus to Themis- 
tocles. Among the Romans : Period of the kings and of tlie 
republic to the introduction of tribunes of the people. 



76 FIRST DIVISION. PERIOD BEFORE CYRUS. 

although this guardianship may often have degen- 
erated into oppression. 

4. In consequence of a treaty with the neigh- 
boring republic Cyrene, the Carthaginians pos- 
sessed the whole country between the Syrtes, 
whose inhabitants, the Lotophagi and Nasamones 
continued, it is true, to be Nomades, but from their 
commerce with the interior of Africa were of the 
utmost importance for Carthage. 

5. A foreign colonial system, followed by a sys- 
tem of foreign conquests, was formed by the Car- 
thaginians. We can perceive a visible effort on 
their part, to gain possession of islands, and to 
subject them to their dominion. All islands in the 
western part of the Mediterranean lay directly 
within their plan, which they completely executed 
as to Sardinia, the Balearian, and other smaller 
islands, perhaps also Corsica, but only partially in 
Sicily. Even the Canary isles and Madeira ap- 
pear to have entirely belonged to them. On the 
continent, partly in Spain and partly on the West- 
ern coast of Africa, previous to the wars with 
Rome, their colonies commonly consisted of single 
cities. In reference to them their principles were 
to tread in the footsteps of their ancestors, the 
Phenicians, and to make their colonies so small 
and limited, that they could always hold them in 
strict dependence. 

6. The merit of having extended the territory 
of Carthage by large conquests, belongs especially 
to the house of Mago, who himself, and after him 
his two sons and six grandsons, founded the do- 
minion of the republic in Sicily, Sardinia, and Af- 



CARTHAGINIANS. 77 

rica, at the very time, when Cyrus, Cambyses, and 
Darius were founding the Persian monarchy, with 
which even then Carthage stood in connection, 
550—480 b. C. It is not therefore till the fourth 
century of their pohtical existence, that the Car- 
thaginians appear as great conquerors, and it is in 
the same period that the first naval battle is men- 
tioned, which they fought with the Phoceans. 
To this period belongs no less the establish- 
ment of their colonies beyond the columns of Her- 
cules, on the African coast by Hanno, on the Span- 
ish by Himilcon, both probably grandsons of Ma- 
go. To this period also we must ascribe the first 
commercial treaty, which they formed with Rome, 
in which they appear as already masters of 
Sardinia, of Africa, and a part of Sicily. 

7. These conquests and their defence rendered 
it necessary to form and maintain large fleets and 
armies, which last according to the usual custom 
of nations, which are alike commercial and war- 
like, consisted for the most part of mercenarj- 
troops. But no nation ever exercised this method 
to the same extent with them, for half Africa and 
Europe supplied them with warriors. — Descrip- 
tion of a Carthaginian army and developement of 
the advantages and disadvantages of these regu- 
lations. — As to their naval force, the state kept 
very numerous fleets, together with a multitude 
of (probably public) slaves, who were used as gal- 
ley-slaves. 

8. The internal constitution of Carthage, as in 
all rich commercial states, became an aristocracy, 
which was founded both upon nobility and wealth, \ ^^ 



\kJjc^-^', 



78 FIRST DlVISlOiN. PERIOD BEFORE CYRUS. 

but yet always retained something of popular 
government. The affairs of the state were en- 
trusted to the two Suffetes or kings, who probably 
held their offices for life, and to the Senate, in 
which a still more select body was contained. 
The choice of the magistrates was with the peo- 
ple, which shared the legislative power with the 
^Suffetes. The civil and military power were kept 
Mistinct ; the commanders were not, as in Rome, 
at the same time magistrates ; but had at their 
; side a committee from the senate, on which they 
were dependent. 

9. To defend the constitution against the attacks 
of too powerful aristocrats, especially of the mili- 
tary chieftams, when the splendor of the conquests 
of the Magos seemed to threaten the republic 
with a militar}^ despotism, and as just before their 
time Malchus, a leader of the army, had made an 
actual attempt to reduce Carthage to subjection, 
the grand pohtical tribunal of the hundred men 
was established ; which did indeed effect the pur- 
pose designed ; but afterwards itself usurped a 
power, which degenerated into actual despotism. 

10. Of the financial regulations of the Carthagi- 
nians we are least informed. The following seem 

In to have been the chief sources of their public 

flP^MAXl revenues. 1. The tribute, Avhich they collected 
from the allied cities, and from their African sub- 
jects. The former consisted in money, the latter 
chiefly in natural products, of which the amount 
was fixed at will, so that in urgent cases half the 
produce was required. 2. The same was the case 
with their foreign provinces, especially Sardinia. 



CARTHAGINIANS. 79 

3. The tribute which was paid by the Nomadic 
tribes in the Regio Syrtica, and sometimes also on 
the west side. 4. The customs, which were col- 
lected with great rigor not in Carthage only, but 
in all the colonies. 5. The gains from their rich -t^x^-^^vj 
mines, especially in Spain. — In considering their 
finances we must not forget, that many of tlie na- 
tions with whom they had commerce, or who 
fought in their armies, had no coin. 

11. Reofulation and extent of their commerce. 
They desired to preserve in the West a monopoly 
of commerce ; hence the limitation of their colo- 
nies ; and, as far as practicable, the most careful 
exclusion of all foreigners from their places of 
commercial business. Their traffic was carried 
on partly by sea, and partly by land. Their com- 
merce by sea was founded upon their colonies, 
and certainly extended beyond the Mediterranean, 
as far as the coast of Britain, as well as of Guinea. 
— Their trade by land was conducted by caravans, 
which were chiefly formed through the Nomadic 
nations between the two Syrtes ; and extended to 
the West, to Ammonium and Upper Egypt ; on 
the South, to the land of the Garamantes, and fur- 
ther into the interior of Africa. 



SECOND PERIOD. 

From the beginning of the wars tvith Syracuse to 
the beginning of the wars with Rome ; 480 — 264. 

1. During these two centuries the possession ol 
all Sicily was the chief object of the Carthaginian 
policy, which they pursued with a singular obsti- 



80 FIRST DIVISION. PERIOD BEFORE CYRUS. 

nacy, and which they were often on the point of 
attaining, though they never entirely succeeded. 
The increasing greatness of Syracuse, which like- 
wise strove for the possession of the whole island, 
caused the national hatred, AVhich now arose be- 
tween the Sicilian Greeks and the Carthaginians. 

2. The first attempt was made in the year 480, 
and was occasioned by the alliance with king 
Xerxes I. on his invasion of Greece. But when 
Themistocles routed the Persians at Salamis, Ge- 
lon of Syracuse defeats the Carthaginians at Hi- 
mera, and compels them to a disgraceful peace. 

3. After this defeat there follov/^s a peaceful pe- 
riod of 70 years, during which we know little res- 
pecting Carthage. We can only say, that the dis- 
pute with Cyrene respecting boundaries was pro- 
bably conducted during this period and decided 
in favor of Cartilage ; and generally, their domin- 
ion in Africa was extended and confirmed by do- 
mestic wars. 

4. But the accession of Dioiiysius I. to the throne 
of Syracuse, and the ambitious project, pursued by 
himself and his successors, of reducing all Sicily, 
and Graecia Magna under their dominion, could 
not but kindle the fire of war, of which the flame 
henceforth was for a short season repressed, only 
to break out anew with the greater vehemence. 

Repeated and most bloody wars with Dlonysius I. be- 
tween 410 and 368, though neither can entirely reduce the 
other. The conditions of the last peace were, that each 
should preserve what he had. Second commercial treaty 
with Rome 348. 



CARTHAGINIANS. 81 

riie internal commotions in Syracuse durmg and after 
the reign of Dionysius II, were craftily turned to account, to 
promote their end ; but they were baffled by the heroism of 
Timoleon 345—340. 

A new and formidable war arises with Agathocles, which 
was transferred from Sicily to Africa, and finally was ended 
victoriously for Carthage, 311 — 307. 

Even the war with Pyrrhus, 277 — 375, whose ambition 
occasioned an alliance between Carthage and Rome, finally 
increased their superiority in Sicily, and their perseverance 
and cunning in taking advantage of circumstances would 
probably have at last secured to them success in their de- 
signs, had not the seed of the wars with Rome at the same 
time been sown. 

5. We have no information as to the manner, in 
which these Sicilian wars operated upon the inte- 
rior of the state. The}' were probably considered 
as convenient channels, for conveying away from 
Carthage all the materials of discontent and rebel- 
lion ; (although attempts were twice made, though 
in vain, by the nobles to overthrow the constitu- 
tion ; first by Hanno 340, and afterwards by Bo- 
railcar 308 ;) and in the beginning of the contest 
with Rome the republic is possessed of such for- 
midable power, that even the finances of the state, 
on which the most depended, do not appear to 
have been in a bad condition. And of what mo- 
ment was it to Carthage, whether there were a 
hundred thousand barbarians more or less in the 
world, when there was no scarcity of others who 
were to be bought, nor of money with which to 

buy them ? 

11 



82 FIRST DtVISION. PERIOD BEFORE CYRUb. 

THIRD PERIOD. 

From the beginning of the wars with Rome to the 
destruction of Carthage, 264 — 146. 

1. The wars between Carthage and Rome were 
the unavoidable consequence of the passion for 
aggrandizement of two neighboring nations, when 
their conquests came to meet. It is, therefore, 
rather an indifferent question, who commenced 
hostilities ; and if Rome cannot be freed from this 
reproach, we cannot refrain from remarking, that 
according to the principles of sound policy, the 
security of Italy was scarcely compatible with the 
sole dominion of the Carthaginians over all Sicily. 

First war with Rome 264 — 141 (23 years) carried on for 
the possession of Sicily, and decided almost beforehand by 
Hiero's passing over to the side of the Romans. Its history 
will be given below, in the Roman history. 

2. The war cost the republic Sicily and the do- 
minion of the Mediterranean sea, and thus the fate 
of its other foreign possessions was decided be- 
forehand. But in the first movements the greatest 
danger proceeded from the entire exhaustion of 
its finances, which cannot excite surprise after so 
many fleets that were ruined and new ones built, 
after so many armies destroyed and others hired 
in their stead. Such a contest, as this, Carthage 
had never known ; and the immediate consequen- 
ces were more dreadful, than the war itself. 

3. The impossibility of paying their mercenary 
troops is followed by a mutiny among them, which 
soon assumes the form of an insurrection on the 
part of their subjects, who had been most griev- 
'jusly oppressed in the war ; and the consequence 



CARTHAGINlAIia. 8J 

was a civil war of three years and a half, which 
would probably have spared the Romans the 
trouble of destroying Carthage, had it not been 
saved by the heroic spirit of Hamilcar. 

The war, which continued from 240 to 237, still had for 
the state the most lasting consequences ; since it led to the 
feud between Hamilcar and Hanno the Great ; whereby 
Hamilcar was induced to seek in a popular party a support 
against the senate. 

4. The insurrection, however, extended to Sar- 
dinia, and was followed by the loss of this most 
important island, which, contrary to the treaty of 
peace, was, under menaces, seized upon by ^^_ 
the Romans, in the mere pride of superior 
strength. 

0. The influence of the Barcas, supported by 
the popular party against the Senate, now obvi- 
ously gains the superiority in Carthage ; and the 
first fruit of it is, the new great project of seeking 
in the conquest of Spain, where the Carthaginians 
already had possessions and commercial connec- 
tions, a compensation for the loss of Sicily and 
Sardinia. It was obviously in its origin the pro- 
ject of the Barcas, to support their family and 
their party ; but the Spanish mines were soon 
to furnish the republic with the means of renew- 
ing the contest with Rome. 

6. In nine years, in which Hamilcar, and in 
eight, in which his son-in-law and successor Has- 
drubal had the command (237 — 221), the whole 
of Southern Spain, as far as the Iberus, was partly 
by peaceful negociations, partly by force, brought 
imder the dominion of the Carthaginians; and noth- 



84 FIRST DIVISION. PERIOD BEFORE CYRUS, 

ins but a compact with the Romans, in which 

226 or 

the Iberus is fixed as the boundary, and the 
freedom of Saguntum made a condition, impedes 
further progress. Hasdrubal crowns his victories 
as a general and a statesman by founding New 
Carthage (Carthagena), destined to be the chief 
seat of the Carthaginian power in the newly con- 
quered country. When Hasdrubal in the year 
221 falls by assassination, the party of the Barcas 
succeeds in procuring the appointment of the son 
of Hamilcar, Hannibal, who was but one and twen- 
ty years old, to be his successor. He found in 
Spain every thing matured for executing the he- 
reditary purpose of his family, a new war with 
Rome ; and the whole manner, in which it was 
promoted, shows how superior was the influence 
of the Barcas at that time in Carthage. If the re- 
public had attended to the marine with the same 
zeal, that their general did to the land service, the 
lot of Rome might have fallen differently. 

Second war with Rome from 218 — 201 (17 years) ; at. 
first carried on in Italy and Spain, and finally, fi-om 203, in 
Africa itself. See the history of it below in the Roman 
History. 

7. This second war, until the theatre of it was 
transferred to Africa, cost the republic by no 
means the same efforts as the first ; for it was 
chiefly conducted at the expense of Spain and 
Italy. And yet a strong parly, with Hanno at its 
head, desired peace. Were they not right in do- 
ing so } But the Barcas obviously did not desire 
it; and their influence preserved the preponder- 
ance. The military leader, who was able by his 



CARTHAGINIANb. 85 

policy not less than b}^ his arms, to maintain him- 
self for fifteen years, in the country of his powerful 
enemies, almost without any support from home, 
compels us to admiration. But the question, whe- 
ther during the course of hostilities a favorable 
moment for making peace was never neglected, 
cannot be directly answered in the negative. But 
for this the conqueror at Cannae was severely 
enough punished by the failure of his most cher- 
ished designs. 

8. The second peace with Rome deprived Car- 
thage of all its territory out of Africa, as well as 
of its fleet, which was delivered up to the Romans. 
It was to remain a mere commercial state, under 
Roman guardiansliip. But the most dangerous 
foe to Carthage was raised up in Africa itself by 
the condition of the peace, which constituted Ma- 
sinissa the king of Numidia. His efforts, to trans- 
form his nomadic subjects into cultivators of the 
soil and dwellers in cities, could not of itself but 
change the whole previous military system of Car- 
thage ; and the Roman policy had provided, that 
there should be abundant causes of contest by the 
indefinite manner, in which the article in his favor 
in the last treaty of peace had been expressed. 

9. Even after the unhappy peace the party of 
the Barcas preserves its influence, and Hannibal 
is placed as chief magistrate at the head of the 
republic. He makes an attempt to reform the 
constitution of the state and the finances by de- 
stroying the oligarchy of the centumvirate. The 
disorder of the financial system was the conse- 
quence of this attempt. Although the first effort 
was perfectly successful, it soon became apparent 



86 FIRST DIVISION. PERIOD BEFORE CYRUS. 

that aristocratic parties cannot be annihilated so 
readily as armies. 

The decline of the Carthaginian constitution had been 
occasioned by the democratic faction, by means of which 
the Barcas themselves were first elevated. By it the senate 
and the magistrates were deprived of their rightful conse- 
quence, which the ordo judicum (most probably the high 
court of the hundred) had assumed, and, as the supreme 
inquisition of the state, of which the members were consti- 
tuted for life, exercised an oppressive despotism. This 
body supplied its vacancies from among those, who had 
been the administrators of the finances, and with these it 
shared with impunity the revenues of the state. Hannibal 
rent asunder this web of oligarchy by a law, which made 
the continuance of office for a year and not for life. — Upon 
the reform of the finances, which ensued, it appeared, that 
even after all wars and losses the income of the state was 
not only sufficient for the ordinary expenses and the pay- 
ment of the tribute to Rome, but even left a surplus fund. 
Within ten years Carthage was able, of its own accord, to 
offer to pay at once the whole tribute, which it had been 
proposed to pay by several instalments. 

10. The discomfited party, which now had the 
same interest as Rome, forms a union with the 
Roman ; and betrays to the Romans the plan of 
Hannibal, too early made public, of renewing the 
war against Rome, in conjunction with Antiochus 
the Great, the king of Syria. A Roman embassy, 
sent under another pretext, was to demand the 
delivering up of Hannibal ; and it was only by a 
secret flight to king Antiochus, that he was able 
to escape to Asia, where he now became the 
mainspring of the war with Rome, without 
however succeeding according to his wish in en- 
gaging the Carthaginian republic to take part in it^ 

See below the historv of Svria. 



CARTHAGIMANS. 87 

11. The removal of Hannibal placed Carthage 
again under the guardianship of the Romans, who 
knew well how to preserve their influence by a 
crafty use of the factions under an appearance of 
magnanimity. Even the patriotic party, from the 
rash steps which they several times were unad- 
visedly led to take, especially against Masinissa 
and his adherents, seems to have been an instru- 
ment in the hands of Rome. 

12. Disputes with Masinissa arose, and the con- 
seqiience of them was the gradual division of the 
Carthaginian territory in Africa. The manner, in 
which this territory had been acquired, made it 
easy to find claims to each part of it, and the me- 
diation of Rome, which at times was designedly 
no mediation, and at times a partial one, constant- 
ly secured the possession to the Numidian. 

As early as 199 a convention was made with Masinissa 
for 50 years. But in 193 the rich province of Emporia 
was lost. — In 182 another province, of which the name is 
not mentioned, was lost, Masinissa laying claims to it on a 
right inherited from his father. — The province Tysca with 
fifty cities was taken away about 174. To this time proba- 
bly belongs the embassy of Cato, who returns offended, be- 
cause his decision was not accepted, and forms the design 
of destroying Carthage. — New disputes arise in 152. The 
party of Masinissa is driven from Carthage ; in consequence 
of this a war ensues, in which the king, although ninety 
years old, commanding in person, beats the Carthaginians, 
and almost utterly destroys by famine and the sword the 
army of Hasdrubal, which was immediately shut up ; whilst 
the Roman envoys, who had arrived as mediators, following 
their secret instructions, play the part of spectators. 

13. It is clear, that the hatred existins between 



88 FIRST DIVISION. PERIOD BEFORE CYRUS. 

Cato and Scipio Nasica and their respective par- 
ties, chiefly advanced the plan for the destruction 
of Carthage, and that it was matured for complete 
execution by the last victories of Masinissa ; but 
it is yet equally difficult to develope entirely the 
series of faithless deeds, by which the termination 
of the great tragedy was prepared before the de- 
claration of war, that was now to proceed from. 
Rome. Was the report, which Cato on his return 
made of the reviving power of Carthage, in con- 
formity with truth .'* Was Ariobarzanes, the grand- 
son of Syphax, who now suddenly appears upon 
the stage, and who is said to have collected a 
Numidian army in favor of Carthage against Ma- 
sinissa, was he perhaps instigated by Rome } Was 
the unquiet Gisgo, who first excites the people to 
insult the Roman envo} s, and then himself saves 
them just in proper season, was he in Roman pay.^^ 
xAlI this may be conjectured, though it cannot be 
proved. The conduct of Rome after the rupture 
at least can justify every suspicion, respecting 
what previously took place. For the rest ; the 
whole history of the last period sufficiently shows, 
that the downfall of Carthage was prepared not 
so much by the fallen character of the nation in 
general, as by the spirit of faction and the avarice 
of a number of grandees, which the foreign policy, 
itself acting from blind passion, knew how to turn 
to its advantage with a cunning as concealed as it 
was base. 

Third war with Rome and destruction of Carthage, 160 [ 
— 146, See below, the Roman history. 



Second division. 



rilSTORY OF THE PERSIAN EMPIRE 
From 560 until 330 before Christ. 



Sources. Preservation of historical information afnong 
■ he Persians themselves in their annals; their origin and 
«-haracter. In consequence of their loss, we must draw 
from foreign authors, who in part used those annals. 1. 
The Grecian. Their authority as contemporary writers, but 
not always sufficiently acquainted with the East. a. Ctesias. 
His history of the court of Persia drawn from the Persian 
annals, but only preserved in the extracts of Photius, would 
be a leading work, did we possess it entire, b. Herodotus, 
who probably in several sections made use of similar sources. 
c. Of Xenophon, not only his Anabasis and Hellcnika belong 
here, but also his Cyropaedia or delineation of a happy em- 
pire, and a perfect ruler according to the ideas of the East, 
under the model of Cyrus, so far as it is interwoven with 
genuine historical information, d. Diodorus, Sic. 2. Jewish 
authors. The books of Ezra and Nehemiah, and especially 
the book of Esther, as a faithful description of the Persian 
court and life at court. 3. The accounts of the later Per- 
sian historians, especially of Mirkhond in the 13th century, 
can hav^e but little weight, in the scales of criticism, but are 
interesting, in as much as they show us the ideas, which the 
inhabitants of the East have concerning their early historv- 
12 



^^ SECOND DIVISION. 

The modern writers of Persian history are mostly those 
of ancient history in general. A view of Persian history, 
taken from oriental sources, will be found in the Hallische 
Allgemeine Weltgeschichte, Part IV. — Besides : 

Brissonius de regno Persarum. 1591. 8 vo. A very 
careful compilation. 

The chapter concerning the Persians in Heeren's Ideen, 
&c. Vol. t. Part I. 1815. 

1. Condition of the Persian nation before Cyrus i 
as mountaineers subjected to the Medes in the 
mountainous parts of the territory of Persia, who 
all, or at least the greater part of them, led a no- 
madic life. Division into ten tribes, among which 
that of the Pasargadae, as the noblest and ruling 
tribe, will be principally remarkable in the follow- 
mg history. Thence also their constitution, as 
tribes, the traces of which remained visible in 
their whole subsequent history. Constant division 
of the tribes from one another, in respect to their 
manner of life, even in the most flourishing times 
ot the Persian States, into tliree noble or war 
tribes, three agricultural, and four pastoral. Proof 
founded upon that, that the history of the reien- 
mg nation of the Persians is properly a history of 
the nobler tribes and especially of that of the 
Irasargadae. 

2 The personal history of Cyrus, the founder 
of the Persian empire, was concealed even in the 
time of Herodotus under such a romantic garb 
tn?tV* 71 i"P°^^iWe to discover the unmixed 
truth. But the course of the revolution produced 
by him was, on the whole, evidently the same as 
t,hat ot all other empires founded in Asia. As 



PERSIANS. 91 

Dsingischan was elected, at a later period, the 
chief of all the Mogolian hordes, Cyrus was chosen 
chief of all the Persian tribes, at whose head, he 
came forward as a mighty conqueror, at the about 
time of the decay of the empire of the ^^^• 
Medes and Babylonians in the interior of Asia, 
and when the kingdom Lydia, under Croesus, had 
as yet gained no firmness. 

Descent of Cyrus from the family of Achaemenes, (Dsem- 
schit ?) of the tribe of the Pasargadae, which ever after re- 
mained the reigning family. 

3. Foundation of the Persian dominion by the 
ruin of the Median Bactrian empire, after the 
victory over Astyages, at Pasargada. Its 
rapid extension by farther conquests. Sub- 
jugation of western Asia Minor, after the victory 
over Croesus, by Cyrus himself, and the about 
seizure of the Grecian colonies by his gen- ^^''^ 
erals. Conquest of Babylon and all its pro- 
vinces. The cities of Phenicia surrender of 
their own accord. Already under Cyrus, the boun- 
daries of the Persian empire were extended from 
the Mediterranean to the Oxus and Indus in the 
South of Asia ; but the expedition against the 
nomadic nations, in the plains of Middle Asia, fails 
and brings destruction upon Cyrus himself. 

In relating the several wars carried on by Cyrus, Herodo- 
tus and Ctesias vary. But in the principal facts they agree, 
and indeed their variance is not always direct contradiction. 

4. Immediate consequence of this great revolu- 
tion, both to the conquerors and the conquered. 
Among the former, even under Cyrus, the refine- 
ment and luxury of the Medes as well as the Me- 



92 SECOND DIVISiON, 

diaii laws and religion of the state, and with it the 
religious caste of the Magi as the defender of that 
religion, were introduced, and the whole form of 
the Persian court is modelled after that of the 
Medes. 

Account of the laws of Zoroaster and the religion of the 
Magi according to the books of Zendavesta. How far the 
doctrines of Zoroaster became the prevaihng doctrines 
among the Persians ? Proof that they were first adopted by 
the nobler tribes only, especially by that of the Pasargadae. 
Great and beneficial influence which they exerted upon the 
improvement of the country and its culture. 

Zend-avesta, ouvrage du Zoroastre traduit en Francois 
sur I'original Zend par Anquetil du Perron ; Paris. 1771. 
4to. — The work has been greatly enriched in the German 
translation by the additional criticisms. 

Zendavesta, Zoroaster's lebendiges Wort — von J. L. 
Kleuker. 1776. III. 4to. and Anhang zum Zendavesta, 
1 vol. in 2 parts. 1782. 2nd vol. in 3 parts. 1783. Cora- 
pare the inquiries respecting Zoroaster in Commentationibus 
Soc. Gotting. by Meiners and Tychsen. And in Heeren's 
Ideen, &c. Vol. I. 1815. The work of 

Hyde de religione veterum Persarum. Oxon. 1700. 4to. 
full of learned research, first gave an impulse to inquiry. 

Die heiligen Sagen des Orients von J. G. Rhode. Bres- 
lau. 1821. The chief work for the critical examination of 
the Zendavesta, the religion of the Magi, and the Median 
Persian antiquity ; rich in new views and new solutions of 
difficulties. 

5. First internal regulations of the Persian em- 
pire under Cyrus. No new general organization, 
but principally, the continuance of the constitu- 
tions existing among the conquered, who were 
obliged to pay tribute. Besides the generals, who 
remained in the lands of the vanquished, with nu^ 



PERSIANS. 9*i 

nierous armies, there were appointed royal officers, 
for the collection of the tribute. For the same 
purpose, orders for weakening the warlike na- 
tions by an effeminate education ; as among the 
Lydians. 

6. Cyrus leaves two sons, of whom the elder, 
Cambyses, succeeds him as king, and the younger 
Smerdis, (according to Ctesias Tanyoxarces) as 
lord of Bactria and the eastern countries, free of 
tribute, but who was soon after put to death at the 
instigation of his elder brother. 

7. Under Cambyses, the conquests of 529 to 
Persia are extended to Africa. Egypt ^^^• 
becomes a Persian province, and the nearest part 
of Libya together with Cyrene surrenders volun- 
tarily. But the double expedition against tlie 
opulent trading places, against Ammonium in the 
West and against Meroe in the South, is complete- 
ly unsuccessful, and that against Carthage cannot 
be undertaken because the Tyrians refuse their 
assistance at sea. A colony of 6000 Egyptians is 
transplanted to Susiana, 

8. The cruelty, of which Cambyses is accused 
in Egypt, was exercised towards the powerful 
caste of priests rather than the nation, and had its 
foundation rather in political than religious rela- 
tions ; and in general, there is reason to be careful 
of giving credit to the evil, that is told of Camby- 
ses, since we know him only from the accounts of 
the Egyptian priests, his enemies. 

9. The usurpation of the pretended Smerdis 
(or Tanyoxarces) was an attempt of the Magi to 
replace upon the throne a Median dynasty, by 



94 SlECOND DIVISION. 

means of an intrigue, carried on in the interior of 
the Seraglio. It accidentally cost Cambyses his 1 
life, after a reign of 7 1-2 or, according to Ctesias, 
18 years. 

10. The false Smerdis maintains his preten- 
sions eight months^ while he endeavors to gain the 
good will of the conquered nations, by a remission 
of all tribute for three years. But the discovery 
of the imposition causes seven of the principal 
Persians to form a conspiracy, which costs the 
usurper his life. 

11. The interior organization of the empire 
could be improved as little under Cambyses, who 
was absent in war the greater part of the time, as 
under the short reign of Pseudo Smerdis. For 
that reason, the regulations made under Cyrus still 
continue. But the introduction of the courtl}'^ eti- 
quette of the Medes among the reigning tribe of 
the Persians, and the transition of these last to set- 
tled habitations, render necessary for the court of 
the king, the building of capitals, of which the one 
at Persepolis, (see above page 19) probably be- 
gun under Cyrus, was finished under Darius and 
Xerxes. 

The best sketches of the antiquities of Persepolis, equally 
remarkable for their architecture, their sculpture, and their 
inscriptions in the letters of the arrow headed alphabet, are 
found in the travels of Chardin and Niebuhr. — Explanations : 

Herder's Persepolis. In his complete works, Vol. I. 

Heeren's explanation in his Ideen, &;c. Part I. Vol. I. 
1815. — For explaining the inscriptions the most has been 
done by : 

De Sacy Memoires sur diverses anliquites de la Perse j 
a Paris, 1793, 4to. only that they are limited to the expla- 



PERSIANS. 95 

nation of the later antiquities, from the times of the Sassani- 
dae. The deciphering of the ancient Persian writings with 
the arrow headed letters, has, after the attempts of Tychsen, 
Miinter, and Lichtenstein, been carried the furthest by : 

Grotefend iiber die Erklarung der Keilschriften, concern- 
ing the explanation of the inscriptions in arrow-headed let- 
ters, especially the inscriptions at Persepolis, in the appen- 
dix to Heeren's Ideen, &tc. Vol. II. 1815. with the annexed 
alphabet of the Zenda. 

12. After a very remarkable deliberation be- 
tween the seven conspirators concerning the form 
of government to be established, Darius, the son 
of Hystaspis, of the family of the Achaemenidae, 
was elevated to the throne by an oracle, and en- 
deavored to strengthen his rights still more, by 
marriage with two of the daughters of Cyrus. 

1 3. The reign of Darius which contin- 522 to 
ued for thirty-six, or according to Ctesias '^^^' 
thirty-one years, is equally remarkable for the 
external as well as the internal relations of the 
Persian empire ; for its external relations, on 
account of the great campaigns and conquests by 
which the kingdom of Persia acquired its greatest 
compass, and for its internal, on account of sev- 
eral important regulations which were made for 
its interior organization. 

14. As the expeditions of the Persians under 
Cyrus had been directed against the countries of 
Asia, and under Cambyses against Africa, those 
under Darius I. were principally against Europe, 
although the jurisdiction of Persia was also ex- 
tended in the other two quarters of the globe. But 
even under Dariusl. the wars with the Greeks arose. 



9(3 SECOND DIVISIOJNT. 

which became so destructive to the Persians and 
which were continually nourished and continued 
by the emigrant or fugitive Grecian nobles, who 
found an asylum at the Persian court, and were 
able to make a faction for themselves. First ex- 
ample of the kind shortly after the accession of 
Darius in the person of Syloson, the brother of 
Polycrates, who had been master of Samos, which 
island is taken at his request by the Persians and 
delivered up to him after an almost entire extirpa- 
tion of the male inhabitants. 

15. Great rebellion in Babylon, which cannot 
yet grow accustomed to foreign government. Af- 
ter a siege of 21 months Darius is enabled to enter 

it by a stratagem. The more powerful this 
city was, and the more important the pos- 
session of it, so much the greater from this time 
was the care with which it was watched by the 
kings of Persia, who even themselves passed a 
part of the year there. 

16. First great expedition of Darius against the 
Scythians in the countries north of the Black Sea, 

in order to revenge the former invasion of Asia 
by the Scythians, and therefore considered as 
a general national undertaking. Unfortunate as 
was the termination of the expedition itself againsf 
the Scythians, undertaken as it appears on a very 
large scale, since the arid deserts of the Ukraine 
compelled the Persians to return, they still main- 
tained their power in Thrace and Macedonia and 
kept a firm footing in Europe. 

It was the peculiar nature of the Persian national wars 
or great expeditions, that all the conquered people were 



PERSIANS. 97 

...biiged lo participate in them, whilst other wars were car- 
ried on by Persian troops alone. 

17. More fortunate than the expedition to the 
Danube was the one to the Indus ; after Scy- ^^^ 
lax a Grecian had been obliged to make a 
voyage of discovery down the river. The moun- 
tainous countries on the northern Indus now come 
under the dominion of Persia, and the Indus itself 
becomes the boundary of the Persian empire. At 
the same time that Darius is himself fighting near 
the Danube and the Indus, Aryandes his governor 
in Egypt, in order to revenge the murder of king 
Arcesilaus, undertakes an expedition against Bar- 
cai which resulted in the destruction of the city 
and the transplantation of the inhabitants to Asia. 

18. But much more important consequences at- 
tended the revolt, insignificant as it appeared at 
first, which the Asiatic Greeks stirred up at the in- 
stigation of Aristagoras, governor of Mile- 502 un- 
tus, who was privately supported at the ^'^ '^^^• 
court of Persia by his relation, the discontented 
Histiaeus. The part that the Athenians 
took in it, which caused the burning of 
Sardis, was the origin of the national hatred 
between the Persians and the European Gre- 
cians, and of the whole series of wars resulting 
from it. The insurgents indeed were this time 
subdued, but the naval battle near the island 
of Lada would hardi}' have had such an 
unfortunate issue, had not their union been 
destroyed beforehand by the artifices and gold of 
the Persians. Thus ended the war with the over- 
throw of the lonians and the destruction of their 

13 



98 SECOND DIVISION. 

flourishing capital, Miletus, which then shared the 
commerce of the world with Tyre and Carthage. 

19. First attack upon (ireece, especially Athens. 
Darius, who had been exasperated against 
the Athenians by the burning of Sardis, is 

excited still more by the banished ruler of Athens, 
the son of Pisistratus, Hippias, who had fled to 
the Persian court, and was evidently the soul of 
^^^ the whole undertaking. Although the first 

492. * ^ 

preliminary attack under Mardonius was de- 
feated by a storm, the following master expedition 
was undertaken and executed with so much skill 
and knowledge of the country, that we cannot but 
recognize the leading hand of Hippias. Even 
490. the battle at Marathon, which, on the side 
29 Sept. Q^ ^^jjg Persians, almost appears to have 
been nothing more than a false attack, would not 
have decided the war, had not the activity of Mil- 
tiades frustrated the principal attack of the Per- 
sians upon Athens. 

20. If Darius I. weakened the empire by these 
foreign wars, while he sought to extend it, his 
merit, on the contrary, for the regulation of the 
interior, is so much the greater. His reign is the 
period that must once hapj)en to every nomadic 
people, which has arrived at power and advances 
to civil improvement, when the attempt becomes 
visible to introduce such a constitution, as how- 
ever can only be gradually developed. 

21. Division of the kingdom into 20 Satrapies, 
and connected with that, the regular assign- 
ment of the tribute ; at first, however, only by 
a division according to the different tributary 



PBRSIAl^S, 99 

ti'ibes, tvom which b}^ degrees a geographical di- 
vision arose, in which the former division of the 
countries was for the most part retained. 

Proof that the division into Satrapies was at first only 
a division for the sake of the civil government, separate 
from the military power, and for the collection of the 
♦ taxes. Duties of the Satraps j care for the improve- 
ment of the country, agriculture especially, and the collec- 
tion of the various tributes, with the execution of alj royal 
orders, which related to provincial affairs. It was a misuse, 
that afterwards the command of the troops also was com- 
mitted to their satraps. Other means for preserving tlie 
dependence of the satraps. Royal secretaries placed at 
their side, to whom the royal orders were first directed. 
Periodical visitation of the provinces by the immediate d&=- 
pulies of the king, or by the king himself, and then witb 
an army in his train. The appointment of couriers through- 
out the whole empire for the maintenance of a sure and 
quick communication with the provinces, such as they ex- 
isted in the Mogolian provinces ; (but no post, since this 
arrangement served only for the court.) 

22. The financial affairs of Persia preserve con- 
tinually the peculiar character, which mostly arises 
from the empire's being founded by a victorious 
nomadic people, who live at the cost of the van- 
quished, and from the despotical form of the 
constitution. 

Collection of the tribute, mostly in natural productions, 
for the use of the court and army, and in precious metals, 
gold and silver, not coined but in bullion. The treasures 
arising therefrom, constitute the private property of the 
king. Several other privileges of the king. Manner of 
discharging the public expenses, by refereaces to the pro» 
-r>eds of one or of several place?. 



lOO SECOND DIVISION. 

23. Organization of the military system, Avhich ^ 
sprang from the original condition of the nation, 
and the present necessity of keeping in subjec- 
tion the distant conquered countries, by means of 
troops constantly supported in them. 

Military organization of the Persian nation by a universal 
decimal division. Royal troops, partly in the country after 
the division of the empire into military cantons, partly gar- 
risons in the cities which differed from the former. Man- 
ner of supporting the troops, at the cost and from the tribute 
of the provinces. Immediate origin of mercenary, and es- 
pecially Greek troops, among the Persians, and its detri- 
mental consequences. Domestic troops of the satraps and 
the grandees. Regulations in case of a general levy in the 
national wars. Management of the naval force of Persia, 
which consisted principally of the fleets of the Phenicians 
and frequently of those of the Asiatic Greeks. 

24. Since the time of Darius, the court life of 
the kings first attained its complete developement, 
and the government soon becomes a government, 
emanating entirely from the Seraglio. Neverthe- 
less, the habits of the kings still retained a tinge 
of the Nomadic life, since, with tue changes in 
the seasons, they, together with their courts, which 
either wholly or principally consisted of the tribe 
of the Pasargadae, removed from one place of 
abode to another. 

The usual places of abode were Bab}' Ion, Susa and Ec- 
batana. Foundation of Persepolis at this time, as a sepul- 
chre for the kings. The court supported from the most 
valuable productions of each province : the strict etiquette, 
thence arising, at the table of the king. Interior manage- 
ment of the Seraglio. Influence of the eunuchs and of the 
queen dowager upon the government. 



PERSIANS. ' 101 

25. Darius was now making jDix)vision for a new 
war against Athens for the accomplishment of his 
revenge, when a rebellion which breaks out 

in Egypt, prevents him from executing it, 
and he dies after he had appointed for his suc- 
cessor Xerxes I., his eldest son by his sec- 
ond marriage ; as the grandson of Cyrus, at the in- 
stigation of his mother Atossa, whose power was 
supreme, 

26. Xerxes I., 486 — 465, a prince, who, educated 
in the Sera2;lio, only understands how to re- 

. 484 

present the royal dignity. Subjugation of the 
Egyptians and severe treatment of them by the 
Satrap Achaemenes, the brother of Xerxes. 

27. The famous expedition of Xerxes against 
Greece is occasioned by the cabals and at the 
instigation of the Grecian emigrants, of the 
Pisistratidae and of the soothsayer Onomacritus, 
Avho were skilful enough to secure to themselves 
the person of the king, and who had a party among 
the nobles, as well as of the Thessalian princes, 
the Aleuades. But at the execution of it, it was 
seen, that no Hippias stood at its head ; although 
the king of Persia was entirely successful in at- 
taining that, which was particularly his aim, the 
conquest and destruction of Athens. 

Criticisms upon the detailed narrative oC this expedition 
by Herodotus, as a national undertaking, in which all the 
conquered nations were compelled to participate. The 
three year's preparations in the Persian kingdom, and the 
alliance with Carthage, in order to subdue the Sicilian 
Greeks, 483 — 481. The expedition itself in the year 480 j 
over Asia Minor and the Hellespont, through Thrace and 



102 SECOND DIVISION. 

Macedonia. Great mustering of the army and division ac- 
cording to the tribes at Doriscus, the exact description, of 
which in Herodotus was very probably borrowed from Per- 
sian documents. The taking of Thermopylae by treachery, 
and upon the same day, the sea fight at Artemisium. Tak- 
ing and burning of Athens. Naval battle at Salamis, Sept. 
23, 480, and the retreat of Xerxes, after having left behind 
a select army under Mardonius. Useless negociations with 
the Athenians. Second expedition of Mardonius and defeat 
at iPlataea, Sept. 25, 479 ; (by which defeat the incur- 
sions of the Persians into Greece were terminated for- 
ever,) as also the defeat of the army and the burning of the 
fleet on the same day at Mycale in Western Asia. 

28. The pernicious consequences, which such 
repeated unsuccessful expeditions, prepared by 
such general national levies, must have for the 
weakening and depopulation of the empire, are 
self evident. The defensive war, which the Per- 
sians were obliged to maintain for thirty years 
more against the Grecians, who demanded the in- 
dependence of their countrymen in Asia, destroyed 
the equilibrium of their power, since it obliged 
them to make Asia Minor, their most distant wesU 
ern province, the centre of it. 

29. Although they now ceased to be formidable 
to the Grecians for their arms, they became 
very much so, by the sj^stem which they now 
commenced of bribing the chiefs of Greece. The 
first experiment of this upon Pausanias succeeded 
beyond expectation, and that upon Themistocles 
was perhaps not entirely without effect. But in 
Cimon the Persians soon find a foe, who deprived 
them entirely of the dominion of the sea, and who, 
finall)^ at the Eurymedon, annihilated in a single 



PERSIANS. 1 0^ 

day their fleet and their land army, and, by 
the taking of the Thracian Chersonesus, 
snatched from them tlie key to Europe. 

30. The little information that we have of the 
farther reign of Xerxes, consists of intrigues in 
the Seraglio, which was even at that time, princi- 
pally by means of the queen Amistris, the theatre 
of all the cruelties which are ever found there, 
and of which Xerxes himself at last became the 
victim through the conspiracy of Artabanes and 
of the eunuch Spamitres. 

Is Xerxes the Ahasuerus of the Jews ? There is a dif- 
ference in the names of the Persian kings, in the Per- 
sian and Chaldean languages ; which is so much tlie less to 
be wondered at, since they were merely titles and sirnames, 
assumed by them upon their accession to the throne. 

31. Artaxerxes I. (Longimanus), 465 — 424. 
The conspiracy of Artabanus brought him, by 
the murder of his father and elder brother, to the 
throne, which he can only secure to himself b}'- 
the murder of Artabanus. His forty years' reign 
exhibits the first symptoms of the downfal of the 
empire, which, with many good qualities, he was 
not possessed of sufficient talent and character to 
maintain. 

32. In the very commencement of the reign, 
rebellions in the provinces, while in the mean time, 
the war with Athens proceeds. The revolt of his 
brother Hystaspis in Bactria can only be suppress- 
ed by two battles. 

33. The second revolt of Egypt, caused by 
Inarus king of Lybia from Marea, in connexion 
with Aniyrtaeus, the Egyptian, and supported by 



^ 



104 SECOND DIVISION. 

the Athenians with a fleet. Although the conspi- 
rators were not only masters of Memphis, but also 
defeated the Persian army under the brother 

463 

of king Achaemenes, who lost his life by it, 
they were at last overcome by Megabyzus the Sa- 
trap of Syria, and besieged in Byblus, where they 
were obliged to surrender with Inarus upon ca- 
pitulation. Nevertheless, Amyrtaeus still sup- 
ported himself in the morasses. 

34. But the Grecian war soon takes again an 
unfortunate turn for the Persians, as Cimon defeats 

the Persian fleet and army near Cyprus. 

The danger of losing Cyprus entirely, obliges 
Artaxerxes I. to make peace with Athens, wherein 
he is compelled to acknowledge the freedom of 
the Asiatic Greeks, and promise, that neither his 
fleets shall navigate the ^gean Sea, nor his troops 

approach within three days journey of its 

coasts. 

35. But the haughty Megab} zus, first offended 
by the execution of Inarus, contrary to the prom- 
ise siven to him, rebels in Syria ; defeats the 

447. . . 

royal army in several battles, and is able him- 
self to prescribe the conditions, under which he 
becomes reconciled to the king. He gave the first 
great example of the successful rebellion of a Satrap 
in the Persian empire, and however various his 
own future fate was, his party nevertheless con- 
tinued, even after his death, under his sons. At 
the court itself, he had his support in Amistris, 
the queen dowager, and in the reigning queen, 
Amytis, who were both famous for their ex- 
cesses, and who held Artaxerxes I. under 
strict guardianship till his death. 



n 



PERSIANS. lOf) 

36. The subsequent changes in the government 
are rapid and violent. The only legitimate son 
and successor of Xerxes II. is, within forty-five 
days, put to death by his illegitimate brother Sog- 
dianus. He too is deposed after six months by 
another illegitimate brother, Ochus, who as- ^^^ 
cends the throne as Darius II. 

37. Darius IL, Nothus. His reign of 19 43310 
years, under the guardianship of his wife ^O"^- 
Parysatis, and three Eunuchs, (the first of whom, 
Artoxares, endeavors to prepare the way for him- 
self to the throne, but is executed,) is the period 
of a continual decay, which is occasioned partly 
by the extinction of the true royal family, and 
partly by the prevailing custom of committing 
several provinces, together with the military com- 
mand in them, to the same Satrap. Although the 
repeated revolts of the Satraps were quelled, the 
court by the perfidious manner in which it was 
done, gave a great proof of its weakness. The 
revolt, however, of a brother of the king, ^^^ 
Arsites, who was supported by a son of Me- 
gabyzus, and that ol Pisuthnes, Satrap in ^^^ 
Lydia, cannot be quieted, until by means of 
artifice possession is gained of their persons. 

38. This tottering condition of the empire caus- 
ed to break out in Egypt the fire, which had al- 
ways glowed under the embers. Amyrtaeus, who 
had kept himself in the morasses, again came for- 
ward and, supported by the Egyptians, drove ^^^ 
the Persians from the country ; and dark as 

is the subsequent history, it is still evident, that 
the Persians were obliged to recognize, not only 
14 



lOi* SECOND DIVISION. 

Amjrtaeus, but also the following kings, (page 73) 
who, however, sometimes submitted to pay tribute. 

39. It may be considered as fortunate for Per- 
sia, that the Peloponnesian war, which broke out 

in Greece under Artaxerxes I. and continued 

431 

throughout the entire reign of Darius II., 
prevented the Grecians from imitedly attacking 
the Persians. It had been and still remained the 
ruling policy of the Persians to foment the dis- 
turbances and wars between the Grecian repub- 
lics, while they embraced the cause sometimes of 
the one, sometimes of the other; and the mutual 
hatred of the Grecians made this game so easy, 
that they could hardly have failed of effecting the 
entire ruin of Greece in this manner, if they had 
always acted as systematically as Tissaphernes, 
and if the temper and jealousy of the Satraps of 
Asia Minor had not had more influence than the 
will of the court. 

A treaty of the Persians with Sparta, was negotiated by 
Tissaphernes 411, but by means of the policy of Alcibiades 
and the cunning maxims of Tissaphernes, remained without 
important consequences, until the younger Cyrus, as Satrap 
of all Western Asia, from 407, was drawn into the Spartan 
interest by Lysander. 

40. Artaxerxes II. Mnemon, 405 — 362. Al- 
though he was the eldest son of Darius, the suc- 
cession might appear doubtful, according to the 
ideas of the Persians, since his younger brother 
Cyrus had the advantage of having been the first 
born after his father's accession to the throne. 
Yet Cyrus, supported by his mother Parysatis, 
would even without this reason have endeavored 



PERSIANS. 107 

to make valid his claims to the throne ; and it 
would have probably been fortunate for the Per- 
sian empire, if, in the ensuing war between the 
brothers, the sport of fortune had left the throne 
to him, for whom nature seemed to have design- 
ed it. 

History of this war according to Xenophon. In tlie battle 
of Cunaxa, Cyrus falls, 401. The ten thousand Grecian 
mercenaries in the service of Cyrus, make their retreat un- 
der the command of Xenophon. 

41. Throughout his whole reign, after he Avas 
once firmly seated upon the throne, he continued 
to govern under the guardianship of his mother 
Parysatis, whose burning anger against his wife 
Statira, as well as against all those wlio had been 
concerned in the death of her favorite son, Cyrus, 
makes the seraglio the theatre of cruelties, which 
could have been devised and executed only in 
/^uch a place. 

42. The revolt and defeat of Cyrus changes the 
relations, in which the Persian court stood with 
Sparta; but these relations had been fixed less 
b}^ the will of the king, than b}^ Tissaphernes and 
Pharnabazus, the Satraps of Western Asia, of 
whose jealousy Sparta was able to make use. 
The first of these, by his cruelty towards the 
Asiatic Greeks who had aided Cyrus, excites 
against Sparta, where they sought assistance, a 
war of which he became the victim, and which, 
but a short time after, even his execution is not 
sufficient to calm, when Agesilaus had taken 396 to 
the command in Asia and threatened to sub- ^^'*- 
vert the Persian throne itself The policy of the 



J08 SECOND DIVISION, 

Persians, however, by which they stir up a war 
with Sparta in Greece itself, with Conon at the 
head of its fleet, draws them from embarrassment 
better than one of their own generals could have 
done, and in the peace of Antalcidas, they 
dictate the conditions, by virtue of which the 
Grecian part of Western Asia, together with Cy- 
prus and Clazomene, was ceded to them. The 
increasing power of Thebes, (with which the}^ 
stood in very friendly relations) under Epaminon- 
das and Pelopidas, now secured them from a new 
attack of the Spartans. A war, for the possession 
of Cyprus, is waged with Evagoras, who nev- 
ertheless retains in peace the sovereignty of 
Sal amis. 

43. The war against the Cadusians in the moun- 
tains of Caucasus only proves that Artaxerxes 
II. was a bad general, and his attempt, for the 
recovery of Egypt from king Nectanebus I., 
frustrated by the quarrels between Iphicrates 

and Artabazus, shows that even the most numer- 
ous army of the Persians, without Grecian auxili- 
aries and Grecian generals, was no longer able to 
effect any thing. Indeed a kingdom could hardly 
subsist long, where at court the revenge of women 
was the ruling power, where the interior organiza- 
tion was so far dissolved, that the Satraps waged 
war with each other ; and where the generals< if 
they evinced talents, were rewarded like Datames, 

44. In fact, even before the death of Artaxerxes 
Mnemon, the Persian empire appeared to be on 
the verge of ruin. While the three legitimate sons 
of the king were disputing at court concerning the 



PERSIANS. 109 

succession (of whom he was obHged to order the 
eldest Darius to be put to death), there arose in 
the western part of the kingdom a conspiracy, in 
which all the governors of Asia Minor and Syria, 
supported in Egypt by king Tachos, to whose as- 
sistance the Spartans had sent Agesilaus, were 
engaged. But to this conspiracy a stop was put 
by the corruption of their leader Orontes, 
who was gained over by the court. 

45. In the midst of this confusion, Artaxerxes 
II. died, and his yougest son Ochus, under 

the name of Artaxerxes III. gained posses- 3^2 to 
sion of the throne, which he believes he can- ^^^" 
not secure to himself except by the entire extinc- 
tion of the too numerous royal family. He is the 
contemporary of Philip of Macedonia, in whom he 
soon had a more dangerous rival than he could 
have found in his own family. 

46. The new rebellion of Artabazus in Asia 
Minor was successful onlv as lonar as the 

. " . 358 

Thebans afforded it their assistance. But 
the reception, which Artabazus received from 
Philip, betrayed the disposition of the king of 
Macedonia. 

47. But another great rebelhon of the Phenicians 
and Cyprians, in connexion with Egypt, forces 
the king to a new expedition, which was suc- 
cessful beyond all expectation ; although here 
too, treachery and Grecian auxiliaries were oblig- 
ed to do the most. 

Mentor, the leader of the allies, proves a traitor, and the 
conquest and destruction of Sidon, followed by the over- 
throw of the Phenicians 356, aVe the effect of it. 



1 lU SECOND DIVISION. 

Cyprus is taken by Grecian troops under Phocion and 
the younger Evagoras, 354. 

The king himself makes an expedition against Egypt, and, 
with the assistance of Grecian mercenaries, gains a victory 
over king Nectanebus, at Pelusium, 354. Egypt becomes 
again a Persian province. 

48. Upon the restoration of the empire to its 
ancient extent, there follows a forced quiet, when 
Mentor and the Eunuch Bagoas in some measure 
divide the empire between them, while they keep 
the king in complete dependence, until it pleased 

Baffoas to remove him out of the way by 

338. F -J J 

poison. 

49. After the murder of the royal family, Bago- 
as places Arses upon the throne, the only remain- 
ing son of the king, in order to govern in his 
name ; but after two years finds it necessary to 

depose him, and the dignity is conferred by 
him on Darius Codomannus, a distant relation 
of the hitherto reigning family ; who commences 
his reign by putting the villain to death. 

50. Darius III. Codomannus, not having been 
educated like his predecessors in the seraglio, 
evinced virtues which made him worthy of a bet- 
ter fate than that which befel him. But attacked 

as early as in the second year of his reign, by 
Macedonia, against which no defensive pre- 
parations had been hitherto made in Persia (unless 
perhaps the dagger which struck Philip was sharp- 
ened by Persian hands), he could not immediately 
by his own exertions recover a decayed empire. 
And nevertheless had not deatli frustrated the in- 
vasion of his general, Memnon, into Macedonia, it 



PERSIANS. .Ill 

may be doubted, whether Alexander would shine 
as the conqueror of Asia. After two lost battles, 
in which he fights in person, Darius III. fell, the 
victim of the traitor Bessus, and the conflagration 
of Persepolis showed to Asia, that the Persian 
empire was destroyed, and that a new ruler was 
given to the East. 

See the history of the war under the history of Macedonia. 



THIRD DIVISIOJV. 



HISTORY OF THE STATES OF GREECE 

PRELIMINARY GEOGRAPHICAL INFORMATION, 

Greece is bounded on the north by the Cambu- 
nian mountains, which separate it from Macedo- 
nia ; on the south and ecst by the ^gean sea, and 
on the west by the Ionian. Its greatest length 
from north to south is 247 miles : greatest breadth 
from east to west 157 miles. Its surface contains 
37,462 square miles. The principal rivers are the 
Peneus, which flows into the ^gean sea, and 
Achelous which flows into the Ionian. It has ad- 
vantages in respect to productiveness in the mild- 
ness of the climate between 37-40° N. Latitude ; 
the number of small rivers and the quality and 
varieties of soil, by which nature seems to have 
provided for it, more than for any other land of 
equal extent, that all the branches of physical cul- 
ture should thrive together in an almost equal 
degree. It has advantages in respect to naviga- 
tion and commerce, for it is situated in the centre 
of the three quarters of the globe, surrounded on 
three sides by seas, and, having an irregular and 
indented coast, is rich in landing places and har- 
bors. 



GRECIANS. 1 ] 3 

It may be divided into Northern Greece, from 
the northern boundary, to the chain of the Oeta 
and Pindus, between the bay of Ambracia in the 
West, and that of Malia in the East. MidcHe 
Greece, or HelUis, extending to the Isthmus of 
Corinth ; and the Southern peninsula or Pelopon- 
nesus. 

Northern Greece contains the two districts ; Thes- 
saly in the East, and Epirus in the West. 

1. Thessaly is the largest and one of the most 
fertile districts of Greece. It extends from North 
to South 70 miles ; from West to East 75 miles. 
Its rivers are the Peneus, Apidanus, and several 
smaller ones. Mountains. Olympus, the residence 
of the Gods in the fables of the poets, and Ossa in 
the North ; the chain of the Oeta, Othrys, and 
Pindus in the South. It is divided into five dis- 
tricts ; Estiaeotis, with the cities, Gomphi, Azorus ; 
Pelasgiotis, with the cities Larissa, Gonni, and the 
valley of Tempe ; Thessaliotis, with the cities 
Pharsalus, and others ; Phthiotis, with the cities 
Pherae and others. The promontory of Magne- 
sia, with the city of the same name. — Other dis- 
tricts derive their names from the nations living 
in them, who were not Greeks, as Perrhaebia, &c. 

2. Epirus, next to Thessaly, is the largest, 
though le"'' cultivated district of Greece, from 56 
to 70 miles in length, and of the same breadth- 
Its parts are Molossis, with the city Ambracia ; 
Thesprotia, with the city Buthrotum ; in the inte- 
rior, Dodona. 



// 



114 THIRD DIVISION. 

Middle Greece or Hellas contains nine districts. 

Attica. A promontory running South and East, 
and continually growing narrower. Length 70 
miles, greatest breadth, 28 miles. Rivers : Ilissus, 
Cephissus. Mountains : Hymettus, Pentelicus, 
arid the promontory of Sunium. City : Athens, 
with the harbors, Pireaeus, Phalereus and Muni- 
chius ; — besides these, only villages, such as Mar- 
athon, Eleusis, Decelea, &c. 

2. Megaris, on the isthmus of Corinth. The 
smallest of all the districts of Greece, 19 miles in 
length, and from 4 to 9 in breadth. City : Megara. 

3. Boeotia, a mountainous and marshy district, 
€0 miles in length, and from .32 to 37 in breadth. 
Rivers : Asopus, Ismenus, and many smaller. 
Mountains ; Helicon, Cytheron and others. Lake : 
Copais. Of all the countries of Greece it contains 
the greatest number of cities, each of which had 
its own territory. Thebes upon the Ismenus, was 
the first of them, and often mistress of the rest. 
The others, Plataeae, Tanagra, Thespiae, Chaero- 
nea, Lebadea, Leuctra and Orchomenus are all 
famous in Grecian history. 

4. Phocis, smaller than Attica, 56 miles long ; 
from 9 to 23 broad. River : Cephissus. Moun- 
tain : Parnassus. Cities : Delphi, on Parnassus, 
with the famous oracle of Apollo ; Crissa, with 
the harbor of Cyrrha ; and Elatea, in the interior 
of the country. The other cities are inconsider- 
able. 

5. 6. The two districts of Locris. The eastern 
upon the Euripus, inhabited by the Locri Opuntii 



GRECIANS. 115 

smd Epicnemidii, is the smaller, little larger than 
Megaris. Cit}' : Opus. Pass : Thermopylae. The 
western on the bay of Corinth inhabited by the 
Locri Ozolae, 23 to 28 miles long — 19 to 23 broad. 
Cities : Naupactus on the coast, Amphissa in the 
interior. 

7. The small district of Doris, or Tetrapolis 
Dorica, on the southern side of the mountain of 
Oeta, 9 — 14 miles long, and as many broad. 

8. Aetolia. Somewhat larger than Boeotia, from 
56 to 60 miles long, 32 to 37 broad, but the least 
cultivated country of all. Rivers : Achelous, which 
forms its boundary on the side of Acarnania and 
Euenus. Cities : Calydon, Thermus. 

9. Acarnania, the western country of Hellas, 37 
miles long, 19 to 28 broad. River : Achelous, 
Cities : Argos Amphilochicum and Stratus. 

The peninsula of the Peloponnesus contains eight 
districts. 

1- Arcadia, a mountainous country abounding in 
pastures, in the centre of the peninsula. Greatest 
length 56 miles, greatest breadth 42 miles. Moun- 
tains : Cyllene, Erymanthus and others. Rivers : 
Alpheus, Erymanthus and many smaller ones. 
Cities : Mantinea, Tegea, Orchomenus, Heraea, 
Psophis, and afterwards, Megalopolis, as the com- 
mon capital. 

2. Laconia, likewise mountainous. Greatest 
length 65 miles, greatest breadth 42 miles. River : 
Eurotas. Mountains : Taygetus, and the pro- 
montories of Malea and Taenariura. Cities : Spar- 



Il6 THIRD DIVISION. 

ta on the Eurotas ; other places : Amyclae, Sella- 
sia, and several, which vrere not considerable. 

3. Messenia, on the western side of Laconica, 
& more even and very fruitful country, which was 
subject to the Spartans from 668. Greatest ex- 
tent from N. to S. 33 miles ; greatest extent from 
E. to W. 42 miles. City : Messena. Border-for- 
tresses : Ithome and Ira. Of the other places Pj-- 
lus and Methone are best known. 

4. Elis, together with the small district of Tri- 
phylia on the western side of the Peloponnesus. 
Length 70 miles; greatest breadth 33 miles. Riv- 
ers : Alpheus, Peneus, Sellis, and many smaller. 
Cities : in the North, Elis, Cyllene and Pylus. On 
the Alpheus, Pisa, and the neighboring Olympia. 
In Triphylia, yet a third Pylus. 

5. Argolis. A neck of land on the eastern side 
of the peninsula, opposite Attica, which forms with 
it the Linus Saronicus. Length 75 miles ; breadth 
from 9 to 33 miles. Cities : Argos, Mycenae, Epi- 
daurus. Smaller remarkable places : Nemea, Cy- 
nuria, Troezen. 

6. Achaia, formerly Ionia, and Aegialus, on the 
northern coast. Length 65 miles ; breadth 14 to 
28 miles. It contained 12 cities, of which Dyme, 
Patrae, and Pellene are the most considerable. 

7. The small district Sicyonia, 19 miles long, 
9 miles broad, with the cities Sicyon and Phlius. 

8. The small district of Corinth, of the same 
size, directly upon the isthmus, which connects 
the Peloponnesus with the main land. City ; Co- 
Trntb, formerly Ephyra, having the harbor of Le-. 



URECIAKS. 117 

chaeimi on the Corinthian, and that of Cenchreae 
on the Saronic gulf. 

9. The Grecian islands consist, partly of those 
which lie near the coast, partly of groups or of 
single islands in the open sea. 

10. Islands on the coasts. On the western, in 
the Ionian sea ; Corcyra, opposite Epirus, 37 miles 
long, 9 to 19 broad. City: Corcyra. A colony 
of Corinth. Opposite to Acarnania : Leucadia, 
with the city and promontory of Leucas. — Cepha- 
lonia or Same, formerly Scheria, with the cities of 
Cephalonia and Same. Near it the small island 
of Ithaca. — Ojjposite Elis, Zacynthus. On the 
southern coast : Cythera, with the city of the 
same name. On the western coast in the Saronic 
gulf, Aegina and Salamis. Opposite Boeotia, from 
which it is separated by the straits of Euripus, is 
Euboea, the largest of all, 112 miles long; 14 to 
19 miles broad. Cities: Oreus, together with the 
promontory Artemisium in the North. In the 
middle, Chalcis, Eretria, towards Thessaly, Sc3^a- 
thus and Halonesus. — Farther north, Thasus, Im~ 
brus, Samothrace and Lemnus. 

1 1. Groups of islands in the ^gean Sea : the 
Cyclades and the Sporades, the former of which 
comprehend the western, and the latter, the east- 
em islands of the Archipelago. The most impor- 
tant of them are Andros, Delos, Pares, Naxos, 
Melos, all with cities of the same name. 

12. Single larger islands. 1. Crete, 163 miles 
long, 28 to 47 broad. Mountains : Ida. Cities : 
Cydonia, Gortyna, Cnossus. 2, Cyprus, 140 miles 



118 THIRD DIVISION. 

long, 23 to 93 broad. Cities : Salamis, Paphos, 
Citium, and several smaller. 

13. For the principal islands of Hellas, along 
the coast of Asia Minor, see above, page 17. 



FIRST PERIOD. 

Earliest traditional history, until the Trojan War, 
about 1200. 

Sources. Of the origin and progress of history among 
the Greeks. The first subject of investigation is the pecu- 
liar character of Grecian mythology, in a historical view, as 
containing the most ancient popular history of the tribes and 
heroes, rich in itself on account of the number and variety 
of the tribes and their leaders ; and developed and exhibit- 
ed in a variety of forms, especially in the very early ages, 
by great national epic poets, and afterwards by tragic. — 
History received its first existence separate from tradition 
at the hands of the Logographi, especially in the Ionian 
cities, Hecataeus, Pherecydes, Sic, until Herodotus, justly 
called its father, raised it at once to a high degree of per- 
fection, (cf. Die historische Kunst der Griechen in ihrer 
Entstehung und Fortbildung von G. F. Creuzer, 1803.) 
But not only in him, even in later historians, history retain- 
ed traces of its origin, and so far was the authority of tra- 
dition extended, that even a Theopompus, and an Ephorus 
did not hesitate to borrow their materials from mythologists 
and poets. It need not be remarked, that during this first 
period, history was essentially traditionary in its character. 

Among moderns, Grecian history has been most happily 
treated by the English. The principal works are 

The history of ancient Greece, its colonies and conquests 
from the earhest accounts, till the division of the Macedo- 



GRfiCIANrt. 1 19 

nian empire in the East, including the history of literature, 
philosophy, and the fine arts, by John Gillies. London. 
178G. 2 vols. 4to. Aud : 

The iiistory of Greece, by William Mitford, Esq. Lon- 
don. 1784. 3 vols. 4to. [and 8 vols. 8vo. Boston. 1823.] 
A free translation into German was made by H. L. Eich- 
stadt. Jena. 1800. 6 vols. 8vo. Although Mitford cxceb 
in learning, richness and research, Gillies surpasses him in 
spirit, taste, and especially in a correct apprehension of tht- 
spirit of antiquity. 

The second and third part of the history of the world, by 
Guthrie and Gray, with Heyne's emendations (page 1) is 
of use in beginning the study. 

Recherches gur les Grecs, par Mr. de Pauw. 1781. 2 
vols. 8vo. Full of partial views and hypotheses. 

On single objects of Grecian history, many important in- 
vestigations may be found, partly in the large collection — 
Gronovii Thesaurus Antiquitatum Graecarum. 12 vols. fol. 
partly in the writings of learned societies. Among these, 
above all in : 

Memoires do I'Academie des Inscriptions et des belles 
Lettres. Paris, from 1709, 49 vols. 4to. and in 

Commentarii (4 vols.), Commentarii novi (8 vols.). Com- 
mentationes (16 vols.), and Commentationes recentiores So- 
cietatis Scientlarum Getting. (3 vols.). 

L Although Greece was originally inhabited by 
man}' small tribes, they are divided into two prin- 
cipal ones, the Pelasgi and the Hellenes. Both 
probably came from Asia ; the difference, howev- 
er, of their languages, characterized them as dif- 
ferent tribes. Of these, the Pelasgi were at first 
the ruling tribe of Greece. 

The first settlements of the Pelasgi were in Peloponnesus, 
under Inachus ; about 1800 before Christ. If indeed, ac- 
cording to their own tradition, they make their first appear- 



120 THIRD bniSJOxS. 

ance there as rude barbarians, they still advanced direcik 
to -some degree of culture, as the most ancient states of 
Argos and Sicyon sprang up among them. They extended 
towards the north, especially towards Attica, and made a 
settlement in Thessaly, under their leaders Achaeus, Phthi- 
us and Pelasgus, where they learned to engage in agricul- 
ture, and remained settled 150 years, from about 1700 — 
1550 before Christ. 

2. The Hellenes (so called in later times from 
Hellen, one of their leaders), in the beginning the 
weaker tribe, are first found in Phocis, around 
Parnassus, under their king Deucalion ; whence 
about they were expelled by a deluge. They 
1550. migrated to Thessaly, and the expulsion 
of the Pelasgi from thence followed. The Hel- 
lenes in a short time became the ruling people, 
and, spreading themselves over Greece, almost 
entirely drove out the Pelasgi, who maintained 
themselves in Arcadia and in the region of Dodona 
only, and migrated, partly to Itah^, partly to Crete 
and other islands. 

3. The stock of the Hellenes is divided into four 
principal branches, the Aeolians, the lonians, Do- 
rians and Achaians, who afterwards remained dis- 
tinguished from each other by many peculiarities, 
in respect to language, customs and public consti- 
tutions. Tradition derives these tribes, which, 
however, do not include all the smaller branches 
of the nation, from the immediate successors of 
Deucalion, with whose personal history, therefore, 
the history of the tribes and their migrations is 
interwoven. 



GRECIANS. 1:21 

The following genealogical table will serve to give a view 
of them : 

Deucalion 



Hei.le\" 



DoRus XuTHus Aeolus 

I I I 



Dorians Achaeus Ion Aeolians 

ACHAIANS loNIANS 

4. The general dispersion of the branches of 
this race over Greece took place between the 
years 1500 — 1300, by means of several migrations, 
by which also their places of permanent abode, 
until the later miajration of the Dorians and Hera- 
clides (about 1000), vrere fixed. 

Principal data in the history of the single tribes 
during this period. 

1. Aeolus succeeds his father Hnllen in Plithiotis, which, 
from tliat time, remained the seat of the Aeolians, who froni 
thence spread themselves partly over western Greece, Acar- 
nania, Aetolia, Phocis, Locris, and Elis in Peloponnesus as 
well as over the western islands. 

2. Dorus succeeds his father in Estraeotis, the most ancient 
residence of the Dorians. Expulsion thence after the death 
of Dorus by the Perrhaebi, and dispersion over Macedonia 
and Crete ; return of a part of the tribe, which passes the 
Oeta, and founds the Tetrapolis Dorica, situated in the ter- 
ritory of Doris, afterwards so called, until it returns from 
thence to the Peloponnesus under the guidance of the He- 
raclidae, about 1100. See below. 

16 



122 THIRD DITISION. GRECIANS. 

3. Xullius, expelled by his brothers, wanders to Athens, 
and with Crcusa, the daughter of Erechtheus, begets Ioit 
and Achaeus. Ion and his family, driven from Athens, set- 
tle in Aegialus in the Peloponnesus, from them called Ionia, 
and afterwards Achaia. The Achaians continue residing in 
Laconica and Argolis, until the times of the Doric emigra- 
tion. See below. 

Anfange der Griechischen Geschichte von L. D. Hull- 
man. 1814. Rich in new viev/s and conjectures ; beyond 
which the original history of the nations can rarely go. — 
Very different views and results are found in 

Geschichten Hellenischer Stamme und Stadte von D. C. 
Otfried Miiller. Erster Band, Orchomenos und die Minyer. 
1820. 

5. Besides these ancient inhabitants, there arriv- 
ed in Greece even in these early times colonies 
of cultivated nations from Egypt, Phenicia, and 
Mysia. The settlements of these strangers ap- 
pear to have been made between 1600 and 1400. 

Settlement in Attica of the colony of Cecrops from Sais 
in Egypt, about 1550 ; in Argos, of the colony of Danaus, 
likewise from Egypt about 1500. The colony of Cadmus 
from Phenicia, about 1550, in Bceotia. The colony of 
Pelops from Mysia, about 1400 in Argos., 

6. Clear as it is from the mythology of the Hel- 
lenes, that in the beginning they were savages as 
well as the Pelasgi, — for Prometheus was the first 
to teach them the use even of fire, — so certain is 
it, that even in this very early period, especially 
between 1300 — 1200, after their migrations had 
ceased, they made the first important step towards 
the attainment of a certain degree of culture. At 
the time of the Trojan war, they yet appear as 
barbarians, but no longer as savages. 

7. How this improvement of the nation originat- 



i 



t. PKIUOD TO THK TROGAX WAR. 123 

ed and advanced, and what influence the stran- 
gers, who arrived, had over it, are questions very 
diiTicult to be answered. If it was Cecrops, who 
first introduced into Attica the law of matrimony, 
and if agriculture and the cultivation of the olive 
wevQ first invented here, the Hellenes appear to 
have owed the foundation of domestic culture en- 
tirely to strangers. And if the most powerful of 
the families, that were afterwards the ruling ones, 
were descended from these emigrants, there ap- 
pears to be hardly any doubt of their continued 
inlluence. But whatever the Greeks may have 
received from strangers, every thing, thus derived, 
was fust stamped with their own impress, and they 
for that reason remained not less original. The 
question becomes, therefore, much less important 
than it would seem at the first glance. 

8. This was especially the case with all the 
branches of intellectual culture, and particularly 
of religion. It is hardly to be doubted that many 
divinities and rites were introduced among the 
Grecians, probably by way of Crete, from Egypt, 
Asia, and Thrace ; but they were no longer Egyp- 
tian, Asiatic or Thracian Gods, — they became Gre- 
cian. Thence it appears that the investigation of 
those relations can lead to no farther important 
results. But it was of the highest importance, 
that whatever Gods the Grecians adopted, it should 
never be possible for a peculiar order, much less 
class of priests, to maintain itself among them, lay- 
ing claim to the exclusive profession of higher re- 
finement ; although it is made very probable by 
several vestiges, that some of the most ancient 



1 



J24 THIRD DIVISION. GRECIANS. 

sanctuaries were settlements of Egyptian or even 
Ph^nician and Cretan priests, who brought their 
worship with them. Even if this consisted in ex- 
ternal usages only, nevertheless many ideas and 
institutions were of necessity so interwoven with 
them, that in this manner they became the com- 
mon property of the people. 

9. Thus it was principally religion, by which the 
rough spirit became in some degree refined. The 
most ancient minstrels, an Orpheus, Linus, and 
others, who, by the diffusion of religious prmci 
pies, contributed so much towards staying the 
bloody spirit of mortal revenge, and with it the 
existence of continual wars, it was they, who 
knew how, in the mjsteries, to represent to the 
senses of the narrow circle of the mitiated, the 
advantages of civilized life. 

St. Croix Recherches sur les mysteres dii Paganisme. 
Paris. 1784. German : cles Freih. v. St. Croix Versuch 
iiber die alten Mysterien. Uebersetzt und mit (very valua- 
ble) Anmerkungen begleitet von C. G. Lenz. Gotha. 1790. 

10. No less effect did religion produce by means 
of the oracles, especially by those at Dodona and 
Delphi ; both of which, and perhaps the one at 
Olympia, appear to have been similar ancient set- 
tlements of priests. The necessity of consulting 
them led the people of their own accord to con- 
sider them as the common property of the nation, 
the access to which was to be necessarily free to 
every one, and the management of common affairs 
could hardly therefore but depend mostly upon 
these oracles. 

A. van Dalea de oraculis veterum Ethnicorum disserta- 



L PERIOD TO THE TROGAN WAR. 125 

lioiies sex. Amstel. 1700. A work formerly much valued. 
There is yet no comjirehensive investigation of the subject. 
Something has been done by : 

J. Groddek de oraculorum quae Herodoti hbris conlinen- 
tur natura commentatio. Goetting. ITSG. 

1 1. In general, in Greece as in other places, 
under the protection of the sanctuaries, the tender 
p!ant of refinement germinated. Here were the 
festivals and meetings, where nations, tormerl}- 
straugers, looked upon each other with a friendly 
eye, and conversed on affairs of common interest. 
Here tiie first ideas of a law of nations originated, 
and led to connexions which served to develope 
their ideas still more. Among these connections 
tlie most important and the most durable was that 
of the Amphictyons at Delphi, which may indeed 
have first attained a dehnite form in later times, 
but appears to have already adopted as its maxim, 
that none of the states belonging to it, should be 
destroyed by the others. 

Ueber die Bund der AmjDhictyonen von Fred. Wilh. 
Tittman. An essay to which a prize was awarded by the 
Royal Academy of Sciences in Berlin. 1812. 

12. Beside religion, navigation and the com- 
merce connected with it kept the nation in inter- 
course with strangers and rendered it more sus- 
ceptible of improvement. This navigation was 
indeed for a long time nothing more than piracy ; 
but when Minos of Crete cleared the sea of about 
it, the want of another state of things must ^'*^^- 
already have been felt. 

13. In the mean time the heroic spirit of the 
nation awoke more and more : and in the heroic 



TK^^ 



126 THIRD DIVISION. GRECIANS. 

age its first youthful bloom was developed. The 
propensity for extraordinary enterprizes was arous- 
ed, and impelled the generals, not merely individ- 
ually, but unitedly, be3ond the boundaries of their 
country. But these undertakings were to become 
much more important than they were in them- 
selves, since, continuing to live in the songs of the 
poet, they rendered further developement possible 
by means of a national poetrj, such as no otlier 
nation possessed. 

Expedition of the Argonauts to Colchis somewhere about 
1250; and war of the seven allied princes against Thebes 
about 1225, which however was first conquered by their 
sons (the Epigoni) at the second attempt 1215. 

14. Every thing was now ready for a great na- 
tional undertaking of all the Grecian nations, which 
was accomplished in the war against Troy. Its 
most important result was the exciting of a nation- 
al spirit, which must necessarily arise from a com- 
1194 to ^^^1^ expedition of ten years duration in so 
i^^'*- distant a land and of such success, and 
which, in spite of all the discussions and quarrels, 
was never entirely extinguished. After the expe- 
dition against Troy, the Hellenes began for the 
irst time to consider themselves as one nation. 

General description of the political condition of Greece 
about the times of the Trojan war. — Division into many 
small states, of which Argos and Mycenae were the most 
powerful. — All the hereditary commanders or chieftains 
were, at the same time, generals in war and judges in 
peace, whose greater or less consequence depended entirely 
tipon their greater or less qualifications, and especially upon 
their courage in war. — Manner of living of the nation, as a 
warlike people living in cities and at the same time engaged 



II. PERIOD TO THE PERSIAN WARS. 127 

in agiicLilturc and grazing, and somewhat advanced in navi- 
gation. 

A. W. Schlegel de Geographia Homeii, commentatio. 
Hannov. 1788. This work gives a view of the political 
geography of Greece at that time. — For a knowledge of the 
localities of the Trojan war, above all : 

Lech'evalier Beschreibung der Ebne von Troja. Ueber- 
setzt, und rnit Anmerkungen von Heyne. Leipzig. 1794. 
Yet with this Clarke's Travels, vol. T, chap. 4 — 6, are to 
be compared , which render the results of Lechevalier 
doubtful again. 



SECOND PERIOD. 

From the Trojan war, to the beginning of the 
Persian ivars. 1200 — 500. 

Sources. Concerning no part of Grecian history are we 
so little informed as concerning this long period, in which 
we have but a general acquaintance with many of the most 
important incidents. The beginning of it is still, as in the 
former period, a history derived from tradition and the poets^ 
Near the end of it the use of writing became more common 
amoiig the Grecians ; besides, the period was poor in great 
national undertakings, which might afford materials, proper 
for the poet or for the historian. Beside much scattered 
information which may be found in Herodotus, Plutarch, 
Strabo, and especially in the introduction of Thucydides 
(the books of Diodorus which belong here, are entirely lost), 
Pausanias must bo particularly mentioned, who in his de- 
scription of Greece has preserved for us much information, 
which is very valuable for the history of the single small 
states. 



128 THIRD mVISION". GRECIAN^. 

History of the Grecian States, ivithin Greece. 

1. The period immediately subsequent to the 
Trojan war, was rendered very unquiet by the 
many disturbances in the reigning families, espe- 
cially that of Pelops ; but in a short time much 
greater commotions were created b}- the attempt 
of the northern savage tribes, especially of the 
Dorians, with whom the Aetolians were allied, led 
by the Heraclidae who had been expelled from 
Argos, to gain possession of Peloponnesus, which 
attempts agitated Greece for almost a whole cen- 
tury, and by changing the residences of most of 
the Grecian tribes, was attended by the most dur- 
able and important results. 

First fruitless attempt under Hyllus, the son of Hercules, 
about 1180. — Repeated attempts until Telephus and Cres- 
phontes, the grandsons of Hyllus, together with the sons of 
their brother Aristodemus, Eurysthenes and Procles, made 
good their claims about 1100. 

2. Effects of this migration on Peloponnesus. 
The territory of Argos, S}>arta. Messene, and Co- 
rinth, torn from the Achaians, the former inhabi- 
tants, became the propert}- of the Dorians; and 
Elis also fell into the possession of the Aetolians. 
who accompanied the Dorians. The expelled 
Achaians, in their turn drove out the lonians, and 
settled themselves in Achaia, from this time so 
called ; the lonians were received by the Atheni- 
ans, their old kindred tribe. One consequence of 
this Grecian migration was also the foundation of 
Grecian colonies in Asia 3Iinor, first the colony 
of the tribe of the Aeolian Grecians, and soon after 



II. PERIOD TO THE PERSIAN WARS. 129 

of the Ionian and even Dorian, which was highly 
important for the farther developenient of the 
nation. 

See the history of these colonies in the next section. 

3. Inevitably as these inigratiorjs and wars, to 
which the ruder tribes compelled the more culti- 
vated, must result, not only in retarding the im- 
provement of the nation, but in almost entirely 
annihilating it, the foundation of the whole subse- 
quent organization of affairs in Greece, was nev- 
ertheless laid by them. The tribes, which had 
migrated, as well as those, which had been ex- 
pelled, w^ere all at first under the government of 
their chieftains, and some remained under them a 
longer, others a shorter time. But already, in the 
next two centuries after the migration, between 
1100 — 900, there sprang up in all of the Grecian 
countries, (the single one of Epirus excepted,) re- 
publican forms of government, which continued to 
be preserved although under many changes, and 
by which the love of political freedom, that con- 
stitutes a principal trait in their national character, 
was most deeply impressed upon them. 

4. The main cause of this change, so highly 
important for Greece, by which its future interior 
political relations were settled forever, lay as the 
result shows, in nothing but the progress, whicli 
city life, and with it civil improvement in general, 
made among the tribes, that had newly emigrated. 
For in this new order of things, each city at that 
time formed its own internal constitution, and, 
hence, there were almost as many free states, a's 
there were cities with their territories, 

17 



130 



THIRD DIVISION. GRECIANS. 



It is altogether a false idea which at least is favored by 
Ihe manner of expression used in most writings on Grecian 
history, to imagine that there were just as many states as 
districts. Some indeed, as for instance Attica, Megaris, 
Laconia, may be considered as single states, since each was 
the territory appertaining to a single city. But others like 
Arcadia, Boeotia, &ic. did not form each of them a single 
state, but contained as many single states as they contained 
cities with their demesnes. There still remained however 
a. the natural bond of relationship, and Arcadians, Boeoti- 
ans, &c. spoke of each other as of a single people, h. There 
arose voluntary alliances between some or rather all the 
cities of one country, as, for example, in Achaia, so that 
all formed one confederacy, in which however each single 
state retained its own internal form of government. Or, c. 
by means of the greater power of some one state, there 
arose a kind of supremacy over the others, as for example 
of Thebes over the cities of Boeotia, which- however was 
always weak and depended upon circumstances ; besides d. 
the government of each single city passed through many 
changes, since single, ambitious citizens (tyrants) not only 
made themselves masters of the supreme power, but fre- 
quently knew how to make it for a long time hereditary in 
their famines. It is easily seen that these are leading ideas 
for Grecian history, which cannot be too clearly and defi- 
nitely considered ; and it is also evident of itself, what a 
field such a situation opened to practical politics. The less 
established constitutions were to be expected in the single 
states, so much the more numerous must be political experi- 
ments, (to which the small compass of the states contributed,) 
and the oftener these experiments failed, so much the greater 
must the mass of political ideas become, among such an 
mgenious people ; and of these the legal codes of Solon and 
others were afterwards the results. 

5. Even after this division into a number of 
small states, which were held together by no com- 



II. PERIOD TO THE PERSIAN WARS. 131 

mon political bond, a certain degree of unity in 
the Grecian nation, and a certain national spirit 
were preserved, partly by periodical national fes- 
tivals and games, (of which those at Olympia in 
honor of Jupiter were the principal,) w^here the 
nation displayed itself in its splendor, and in which 
all Grecians, but none other, might participate, 
and partly by the assembly of the Amphictyons, 
which grew more extensive. If this last institu- 
tion did not have the effect which it was designed 
to have, the reason of it lay in the nature of ever}" 
great confederacy, so soon as individual states, 
belonging to it, became too powerful. 

The assembly of the Amphictyons was by no means a 
general congress of the states, in which all national occur- 
rences were discussed. It had principally the inspection of 
the temple and oracle at Delphi. But 1. ideas of the law 
of nations had been diffused from thence among the Gre- 
cians, and it watched over their preservation. 2. By means 
of the political influence of the oracle, this led in single 
cases to participation in differences between the states. 3. 
It remained a national institution, in as much as none but 
Grecians could have a part in it. 

Des anciens gouvernements federatifs, et de la legislation 
de Crete, (par Mr. de St. Croix). Paris. 1796. One of 
the most valuable investigations concerning the Amphictyons 
as well as other kindred subjects of Grecian antiquity. 

6. Even in this period, Sparta and Athens were 
distinguished among the single states of Greece, 
not only by their greater power, but also by their 
constitutions and codes of laws, and although it 
cannot yet be said that the history of the rest of 
Greece depends upon theirs, they are neverthe- 
less principally deserving of our attention. 



i;32 THIRD DIVISION. GRECIANS. 

7. History of Sparta. After the expulsion oi' 
the Achaians (who had stood at first under the 
rule of chieftains of the liouse of Perseus, and, 
after Menelaus became king by marriage, of the 
house of Pelops) by the Dorians, Laconica fell by 
about l^t to the sons of Aristodemus, Procles and 
1100. Eurysthenes, whose families remained the 
reigning families, so that always two kings, one 
from each family, jointly reigned. 

Family of the Proclidae and the Agidae from Agis, the 
son and successor of Eurysthenes. 

Sparta, ein Versuch zur Aufklarung der Geschichte und 
Verfassung dieses Staats von J. C. Manso. Leipzig. 1800 
ff. 3 parts. This is the leading work on this state, and is 
at the same time rich in investigations on separate kindred 
topics in Grecian history. 

Cragius de republica Lacedaemoniorum. 1642. 

Meursius de regno Laconico and Miscellanea Laconica. 
Both are compiled with much industry. 

8. The Dorians settled themselves in many of 
the cities of the country, which had been gradu- 
ally conquered, and became, if not the only, yet 
the ruling inhabitants ; while the Achaians, who 
remained behind, became slaves. But in a short 
time the city of Sparta acquired over the whole 
country a supremacy which it continued to retain, 
and the other cities, formerly of consequence, 
were reduced to open, and for the most part, in- 
significant places. 

Relation of the citizens of the capital, the Spartans, as 
the ruUng body, towards the inhabitants of the country, the 
Lacedaemonians, as subjects, liable to taxes and service 
in war. Agis, the successor of Eurysthenes, had already 
forcibly established this subjection, and the iioliabitants of 



tl. PERIOD TO THE PERSIAN WARS. 133 

Helos were made slaves for their resistance, while the others, 
by the sacrifice of their political freedom, remained in pos- 
session of their personal liberty, although even this was very 
much circumscribed. 

9. The history of the two following centuries, 
until the time of Lycurgus, exhibited nothing but 
repeated wars of the Spartans with their neigh- 
bours, the Argives, and internal disturbances which 
Avere caused by the too great inequalit}^ of proper- 
t}^ and by contests and the diminished power of 
the kings, until Lycurgus, the uncle and guardian 
of the young king Charilaus, about the yenr 880, 
gave Sparta the constitution to which it has since 
been principally indebted for the splendor of its 
renown. 

Explanation of the principal features of the Spartan con- 
stitution. It must be remarked beforehand, a. Since the 
code of Lycurgus was formed at such an early period, and 
his laws were not written down but existed only in sayings, 
which were sanctioned by the oracle at Delphi, much is im- 
puted to Lycurgus which was of later origin, b. Much, 
which really belongs to him, was not new, but ancient Do- 
rian custom, which had begun to fall into neglect, and to 
which the power of law was now given. The code of Ly- 
curgus, must, therefore, very naturally possess a similarity 
to that of the Cretans, who were also Dorians, although, 
much, as is assured, was derived directly thence, c. It was 
the principal aim of the laws of Lycurgus, to secure to Sparta 
its independence by the formation of. a hardy and uncorrupt- 
ed race of men. For that reason they had far more refer- 
ence to private life and physical education, than to the form 
of civil government, in which he appears to have made few 
changes. 

Irx respect to the form of government, there remained, 1. 



134 THIRD DIVISION. GRECIANS, 

The former relation of the Spartans as rulers towards the 
Lacedaemonians as subjects. 2. There also remained the 
two kings, from the two ruling families, as leaders in war 
and first magistrates in peace. On the other hand, 3. to Ly- 
curgus is ascribed the establishment of a senate, which con- 
sisted of twenty-eight members, who could not be under six- 
ty years, were chosen by the people and remained in office 
for hfe, and who on all public occasions stood at the side of 
the kings. But whether, 4. the college of the five annually 
elected Ephori, was instituted by Lycurgus or at a later pe- 
riod is uncertain; but also of less importance, since the 
great authority of this college, to which, as the highest civil 
tribunal, every thing became at last subordinate, was acquir- 
ed in later times. Besides these, there were also 5. the assem- 
blies of the people, according to their division into tribes and 
wards, in which assemblies, however, Spartans only partici- 
pated, and their power extended only to the accepting or the 
rejecting of the proposals, made them by the kings and 
senate. 

In the laws for private life, Lycurgus proceeded on the 
fundamental principle of making the Spartans, a society of 
citizens, who should, as far as possible, be equal to one ano- 
ther in their possessions and manner of life, and upon each 
of whom the conviction should be most deeply inculcated, 
that he was the property of the State and owed it blind obe- 
dience. Thence arose, 1. the new distribution of land, so 
that 9000 parts were assigned to the Spartans, and 30000 
to the Lacedaemonians, which could be inherited or given 
away, but could not be sold. 2. The most entu'e absence 
possible of all luxury, especially by means of the pubhc 
messes, or daily eating in common of the citizens according 
to their divisions, and at these messes the dishes, to be serv- 
ed up, were prescribed. 3. The whole arrangement of do- 
mestic society, as well between husbands and wives, as be- 
tween parents and children, which arrangement was exclu- 
sively adopted to promote, even at the cost of morality, the 



II. PERIOD TO THE PERSIAN WARS. 135 

main political aim, the bringing up of hardy and healthy 
citizens, male and female. Also, 4. the relation of servants, 
who were called by the general name of Helots, and who, 
although they must be considered as peasants in a state of 
villanage, were, however, at the same time, the property of 
the State, which had a right to make use of them in war. — 
As to the rest, easy as it is to give in general, these principal 
points of the Spartan constitution, it is yet difficult and often 
impossible, from want of accurate information, to answer a 
great many questions, which may easily be proposed, when 
an inquirer goes farther into details. Incontestibly more 
wonderful than the constitution itself, is its duration for four 
centuries without any remarkable degeneracy ; so much the 
more wonderful, since the Spartans at this time soon began 
to become conquerors. Of a lasting peace in Greece, no 
thought could indeed be entertained, since it had within it- 
self a republic of soldiers, whose citizens would be obliged to 
carry on war, if for no other rerson, at least for amusement, 
since they committed to slaves all the affairs of domestic 
life, and of agriculture, on which they were obliged to de- 
pend entirely for subsistence. 

Besides the w^orks mentioned above, page 132 : Heyne 
de Spartanorum republica judicium : in commentat. Soc. 
Getting, vol. ix. To be consulted in order to correct the 
narrow views of De Pauw. 

10. Soon after Lycurgus, the wars of the Spar- 
tans began with their neighbors, the Argives and 
Arcadians, but especially with the Messenians, 
which appear to have had their principal cause in 
an ancient hatred of the Dorian tribes, on account 
of the unequal division of the lands at the taking 
of the Peloponnesus ; but which, it is visible, were 
mostly supported by the ambition of the kings, 
who knew how to manage the credulous people 
by oracles and the interpretation of them. 



136 THIRD DIVISION. GRECIANS. 

Inconsiderable wars with Tegea, Argos, and disputes with 
Messene 783—743. 

First Messenian war 742 — 122,, ended by the conquest 
of the frontier fortress, Ithome, after the vohintary death 
of Aristodemus, king of Messene. The Messenians become 
tributary to the Spartans, and are obliged to give up half of 
the revenues of their lands. During this war 1. The 
establishment of the college of Ephori, (according to some 
accounts) as viceroys in the absence of the kings, and 
arbiters of disputes, arising between theiTi and the senate, fl 
2. Restriction of the power of the people, in as much as 
it has not the power of modifying the decrees of the senate 
and kings, when laid before it, but merely of confirming or 
rejecting them. 3. The conspiracy of the Parthenii and 
Helots, which led to the sending out of colonies ; a method 
which Sparta often adopted, for the preservation of internal 
quiet. 

Second Messenian war G82 — G68, carried on for 14 years, 
by the Messenians under their hero Aristomenes, by the Spar- 
tans, animated by Tyrtaeus, until it was decided by the 
conquest of the fortress of Eira. The territory of the 
Messenians is divicfed among the conquerors, and the in- 
habitants are reduced to villanage like the Helots. 

1 1. Although, by these Messenian wars, the ter- 
ritory of the Spartans was visibly increased, they 
nevertheless appear at first to have recovered 
slowly, and to have raised themselves by degrees 
to be the first of the Dorian states, while they 
continued to increase their territory at the expense 
of the Argives and Arcadians. 

Wars with Tegea, for the most part unfortunate for Sparta, 
and with Argos, on account of Thyrea and the island 
Cythera, by which their territory was considerably increased, 
about 550. 

12. These wars in the interior of the Pelo})onnesus 



H. PERIOD TO THE PERSIAN WARS. 137 

were not of such a kind, that they could produce 
much change in the Spartan constitution, raid for 
a long time they served to divert the Spartans 
from a participation in foreign disputes. But 
when king Cleomenes, who at last deposed 
his colleague Demaratus, interfered with the affairs 
of the Athenians, the seed of quarrels between 
those republics was thereby sown. The subse- 
quent wars with the Persians, in which Sparta was 
obliged to share, although Cleomenes had declined 
to take all interest in the revolt of Aristagoras, and 
the idea now arising of a supremacy in Greece, led 
to a series of entirely new relations. 

13. The history of Athens during this period 
is more important for the interior changes, by which 
this state gradually formed itself into a republic, 
than for external enlargement. The situation 
and character of Attica, by which it was less ex- 
posed to the attacks and wanderings of the sur- 
rounding hordes, favored the peaceful and gradu- 
ally increasing prosperity ; of which the most evi- 
dent vestiges are found, however little historical 
criticism may be able to set every thing here in as 
clear a light, as the historian might desire. 

The history of Athens naturally forms a principal part of 
the works quoted above, page 1 19. Besides these : 

The history of Athens, politically and philosophically con- 
sidered, by William Young, Esq. London. 1796. 4to. 
Rather speculations than history. 

Corsini Fasti Attici. Florent. 1747. 4 voll. 4to. This 
work is executed with the most careful attention to chro- 
nology. 

1. Period of the monarchical government, till 1068. The 
18 



138 THIRD DIVISION. GRECIAK5. 

history of the state of Athens commences properly with 
Theseus, who succeeded his father Aegeus about the year 
1300 ; aUhough some institutions, such as that of the Areopa- 
gus, and the division of the people into nobles, the agricultu- 
ral, and the business class, which remind us of Egyptian 
regulations, may be older and be dated from the colony of 
Cecrops. Theseus was nevertheless in a certain degree the 
founder of the state, since, instead of the four districts re- 
maining, as they appear to have been before, independent of 
one another, he made the city of Athens the only seat o? 
government. — Among his successors, Mnestheus, who fell 
before Troy, and the last, Codrus, who by a voluntary sacri- 
fice of himself preserved Attica from the invasion of the 
Dorians 1068, are worthy of mention. 

2. Period of the archons for life, of the family of Codrus. 
thirteen of whom governed, from 1068 — 752. The first 
was Medon, the last Alcmaeon. The office was hereditary 
like that of the kings, but they were obhged to give an ac- 
count of their administration. — To the beginning of this 
period belongs the emigration of the lonians from Attica 
to Asia Minor, 1044. See below. 

3. Period of the archons for ten years, of whom there 
were seven in succession from 752 — 682. They too were of 
the family of Codrus. This period is without remarkable 
incidents. 

4. Period of the nine archons annually chosen, till Solon. 
682 — 594. The attributes of the former kings and of the 
preceding archons were however divided among the three 
first. We have in this, as in former changes, little accurate 
knowledge of the causes by which and of the manner in 
which they were efl:ected. — Rise of an oppressive aristocracy, 
like that of the Patricians in Rome, immediately after the 
expulsion of the kings, since the archons, as well as the 
members of the Areopagus could only be chosen from the 
nobihty. First attempt by Draco 622, to form a code of 
la\\%, which appears to have contained criminal laws only- 



U. PERIOD TO THE PERSIAN AVARS. 130 

and was impracticable on account of its severity. — The re- 
volt of Cylon 593 became most disadvantageous to the aris- 
tocratical party by the manner in which it was quelled ; 
since that party brought upon itself the charge of blood, 
which, even after the expiation of Epimenides 593, served 
a long time as a pretext for disturbance ; and the political 
factions of the Pediaei, of the Diacrii, and of the Parhali, 
plunged Athens into anarchy, while the neighboring Mega- 
rians seized upon the island of Salamis, which was however 
at last recovered by Solon. 

14. From this anarchy Athens was rescued by 
Solon, a man to whom not only Athens, but 
humanity m general owes great obligation. 
He was chosen archon, with the commission to 
prepare a better constitution for Athens, of which 
he acquitted himself so well, that by it he laid the 
foundation of the prosperity of his native city. 

Of the principal features of Solon's code. Its principal 
aim was, the abolition of the oppressive aristocracy, yet 
without intending to introduce a pure democracy. 1. Pre* 
liminary laws : Abolition of the statutes of Dracon, (the 
laws against murder excepted) and the law for the relief of 
debtors, (novae tabulae) not so much by abolishing as by 
diminishing the debt by raising the value of money, and fur- 
thermore by securing the personal freedom of the debtor. 
2. Fundamental laws partly with reference to public govern- 
ment, partly with respect to private life and civil law. — Civil 
government, a. Organization of the people by divisions 
according to property into four classes, Pentccosiomedimni, 
those who possessed a yearly income of 500 medimni, 
Equites, those who possessed 400, Zeugitae, those who pos- 
sessed 300, and Thetes (Capite censi), those who had a less 
annual income. — The ancient divisions according to polls 
into tribus, of which there were four, and according to their 
residences, into demoi (wards), of which there were as many 



140 THIRD DIVISION. (jJRECIANS. 

as 170, wore retained, h. The citizens of the three first classes 
only could participate in all the public offices, but every one 
could participate in the assemblies of the people and eerve 
as judge, c. There remained indeed the nine annually chosen 
archons, (of whom the first was called Eponymus, who 
gave the name to the year,) the second Basileus, the third 
Polemarchus, the other six Thesmothetae, who stood at 
the head of the state as chief magistrates (without however 
being able to fill military offices), but at their side was placed 
the council or senate which consisted of a senate of 400 
jjersons, annually renewed from the three first classes of citi- 
zens, (100 from each tribe) who were chosen by lot but were 
obliged to undergo a strict examination. This senate 
the archons were obhged to consult on all occasions, and 
nothing could be brought before the people, which had not 
first been discussed in the senate, e. To the people, so far 
as it consisted of all the four classes, there remained in its 
meetings the right of confirming the laws, the choice of 
magistrates, and deliberation upon all public affairs which 
were brought before it by the council, and also the public 
courts. /. But according to the plan of Solon, the main sup- 
port of the constitution was to be the Areopagus, which had 
hitherto been a tool in the hands of the aristocracy, ft was 
composed of the ex-archons, and remained not rnerely a 
court of justice in the most important causis capitaHbus, but 
was also entrusted with the care of morals, the power of in- 
vestigating the conduct of the ex-archons, and the right of 
reconsidering or annulling the decisions of the people. Their 
power, which might very easily have become equal to that 
of the Ephori in Sparta, could not but be called too great, 
had not experience taught what hurtful consequences resulted 
from the weakening of it by Pericles. Although this mixture 
of aristocracy and democracy betrayed great insight into 
the nature of republican constitutions, Solon is most worthy of 
our respect for his endeavors to place the helm of state in 
the hands of the most accomplished and wisest men ; and 



n. PEKIOD TO THE PERSIAN WARS. 141 

his whole code of laws, for private life, shows the man, who 
did not, like Lycurgus, make morality subordinate to politics, 
but politics to morality. 

Sam. Petitus de legibus Atticis. 1635. fol. The best col- 
lection and explanation of the fragments of the attic code. 

Chr. Bunsen de jure Atheniensium hereditario, ex Isaeo 
caeterisque oratoribus Graecis ducto. Goett. 1812. The 
right of inheritance formed a principal part of Solon's code. 
The explanation of it enters deeply into that of the consti- 
tution, in as far as it was a constitution for tribes and fami- 
lies. 

15. If by the laws of Solon, parties did not en- 
tirely cease, his civil reform had this in common 
with all others. It was the natural course of things 
that the enfranchised plebeians should seek to try 
their strength on the aristocrats, and when these 
were at last put down, that the leader of the first, 
Pisistratus, should take the government into his 
hands without the constitution of Solon's being 
thereby set aside. That the frame of a republic 
can endure very well even under the dominion of 
a usurper, modern history has sufficiently proved ; 
would that all republics might fall, if into the hands 
of any tyrant, of one like Pisistratus. 

First elevation of Pisistratus, 561. when he gives him- 
self a body guard, and flight of the Alcmaeonidae undei 
Megacles. Expulsion in the year 560. Second elevatioa 
by a marriage contract with the family of Megacles, 556 — 
552. Second expulsion by Megacles, 552 — 538. Third 
elevation on his forcibly seizing the supreme power, which 
he maintains till his death, 538 — 528. Escape of the Alc- 
maeonidae to Macedonia, where they attract to themselves 
the discontented. His sons, Hipparchus and Hippias, suc- 
ceed him jointly, till 514, when the elder was murdered by 
Harmodius and Aristogeiton. The emigrant Alcmaeonidae. 



142 1,'HiRD DIVISION. Grecians; 

by bribing the Delphic oracle, draw the Spartans into their 
interest, and, supported by a Spartan army, put themselves 
in possession of Athens, while Hippias resigns his dignity 
and afterwards flies to the Persians. 

16. This return of the Alcmaeonidae produced 
a change in the constitution of Solon, the number 
of tribes being increased by Clisthenes, the son of 
Megacles, to ten, (in order, as it seems, by new di- 
visions of the citizens, to break down the spirit of 
party ;) and the number of the members of the 
senate to 500. — But Athens was obHged to pur- 
chase the continuance of her liberty by a contest, 
in which Sparta, in aUiance with the Boeotians and 
Chalcidenses, to whom ^gina also joins itself, 
would again force upon Athens the tyranny, first 
507 to of Isagoras, the antagonist of Clisthenes, and 
^^'*- afterwards of the exiled Hippias. But the 
more victorious the republic came forth from this 
contest for recovered freedom, so much the more 
her spirit increased, by which she suffered herself 
to be persuaded to join in the contest for freedom 
of the Asiatic Greeks under Aristagoras, and 

500. ^ 

by the daring act of burning Sardis, to draw 
upon itself the wrath of Persia, without which, it is 
true, Athens and Greece would never have be- 
come what they were. 

17. Of the history of the other states of Greece, we 
know of nothing but single data, and even of these 
we have very few respecting the greatest number. 
Towards the end of the period, Sparta and Athens 
had risen above them and stood recognised, the for- 
mer as the first of the Doric, the latter as the first 
of the Ionian states. Still Sparta had often found 



y. PEftlOD TO tHE PERSIAN WARS. 143 

rivals in Messene, Argos, and Tegea, Athens in Me- 
gara and ^gina. In the mean time, Sparta and 
Athens, together with their better constitution, had 
the advantage of a greater territory, than any other 
of the Grecian cities possessed. 

Principal data for the history of the smaller states. 

1. IN THE PELOPONNESUS. 

0. Arcadia. Arcadian tradition gives us the names of 
a series of kings or chieftains, who are said to have ruled 
over the whole of Arcadia. The series begins with Areas 
and his son Lycaon, whose successors retained the sover- 
eignty, and took more or less interest in the ancient quarrels 
of the Hellenic princes. At the conquest of the Peloponnesus 
by the Dorians, Arcadia remained the only country which 
did not suffer, protected more by its mountains than by the 
arts of Cypselus, at that time its king. His successors en- 
gaged in the wars between the Messenians and Spartans, in 
favor of the former, but in the second Messenian war, the 
last Arcadian king, Aristocrates II. became their betrayer, 
for which he was stoned by the Arcadians, and the royal 
dignity abohshed 668. Arcadia is now parcelled out into 
as many small states as there were cities with their territory, 
the principal of which are Tegea and Mantinea, which exer- 
cised perhaps a certain influence over the others, without 
depriving them of their independence. The government 
was, as might be expected among nomades, democratic. In 
Mantinea there were governors and a senate. We find fre- 
quent mention of wars waged by single cities, but no com- 
mon bond united them. 

G. A. von Breitenbauch Geschichte von Arcadien. 1791. 

h. Argos. Even before the Doric emigration, there 
were in the territory of Argolis several small kingdoms, as 
f'hcrse-of Argos, Mvcenae, and Tirynfe. Ih Ai-gos, next t>> 



144 THIRD DIVISION. GRECIANS. 

Sicyon, the oldest state in Greece, the ancestors of Perseus 
reigned, who exchanged it for Tiryns, where his successors 
reigned till Hercules, whose sons were expelled thence by 
Eurystheus, and fled to the Dorians. In Mycenae, which 
is said to have been built by Perseus, there reigned the fa- 
mily of Pelops. At the time of the Trojan war this small 
state, to which Corinth and Sicyon then belonged, was under 
Agamemnon the most powerful state in Greece. The emi- 
gration of Pelops from Asia Minor, a trading colony perhaps, 
as we are led to believe from the riches brought with it, 
must have been productive of important consequences, since 
it gave its name to the whole peninsula. At the conquest of 
the Dorians, Argos became the share of Temenus, and ob- 
tained, at the expulsion of the Achaians, Dorians for inhabi- 
tants. Even under Cisus, the son of Temenus, the royal 
power was so limited, that his successors retained nothing 
more than the name, till the royal dignity was done away, 
about 984, and exchanged for a repubhcan constitution, of 
the inward organization of which we only know that in Ar- 
gos, a senate, a college of eighty men, and magistrates, stood 
at the head ; but in Epirus a deputation of 180 citizens, who 
chose the senate from their own number ; in the mean 
time there remained in the territory of Argolis as many in- 
dependent states, as there were cities ; in the north, Argos. 
Mycenae, and Tiryns, in the south, Epidaurus and Troezen. 
The last continued to remain independent ; but Mycenae 
was destroyed by the Argives in 425, and the inhabitants of 
Tiryns were compelled to emigrate to Argos. Thus the 
territory of Argos comprehended the northern part of the 
district of Argolis, but not the southern, which belonged to 
the cities there situated. 

c. Corinth. Before the time of the Doric emigration, 
kings of the house of Sisyphus ruled there, and as earlj'^ as 
that time, Corinth was praised by Homer for its riches. The 
Dorians expelled the former inhabitants, and Aletes, of the 
family of Hercules, became king about 1 089. whose descend- 



n. PERIOD TO THE PERSIAN WARS. 14;j 

ant3 succeeded him, to the fifth generation, when, after tlic 
death of the last king, Telessus, 777, the house of the Bac- 
chiadae, (also of the race of the Heraclidae) usurped the 
government, and introduced an oligarchy, for they annually 
chose a Prytanis from their midst; till at last in 657, Cyp- 
selus gained possession of the sovereignty, and was suc- 
ceeded in 627, by his son Periander, both of whom distin- 
guished themselves by their avarice and cruelty. He was 
succeeded by his nephew, Psammetichus, (t587) till in 584 
the Corinthians obtained freedom. Of the internal organi- 
zation of their republican constitution, we only know that 
there were popular assemblies and a senate- It appears to 
have been th« aristocracy of a commercial state ; for even the 
Bacchiadae, at least some of them, were merchants. — The 
commerce of Corinth consisted principally in the exchange 
of Asiatic and Italian goods, and was, therefore, mostly mari- 
time, which was favored by the situation of their city, toge- 
ther with the state of navigation at that time ; but their com- 
merce on the seas never became extensive, however profita- 
ble it was for the citizens, and, by mean^ of the customs, 
for the state. Their colonies, especially in the West, were 
Corcyra, Epidamnus, Leucas, Syracuse, and in the East, 
Potidaea, which they would have been glad to keep in a 
kind of dependence, yet were not able to do so long. By 
them however, and by the necessity of protecting its ship- 
ping against pirates, Corinth became a naval power, invent- 
ed the triremes, and engaged, as carl}' as 664, in a naval bat- 
tle with the Corcyreans. Their wars on land they general- 
ly carried on by means of foreign mercenaries, and for that 
reason, the more easily they could procure and pay these 
hired troops, the more frequently they interested themselves 
in the internal wars of Greece. 

d. SicYON. Tradition makes it, next to Argos, the oldest. 

state of Greece ; the catalogue of ancient kings and priests^ 

who are said to have reigned there, must make it probable, 

that here too, in early antiqnitv, settlements of priests innsf' 

19 



146 THmi> DIVISION. GRECIANS,- 

have been established. Before the emigration of the Do- 
rians, Sicyon was first inhabited by lonians, but belonged, 
about the time of the Trojan war, to the kingdom of Aga- 
memnon. At the time of the irruption of the Dorians, 
Phalces, the son of Temenus, seized Sicyon, which now be- 
came a Dorian city. After the abolishment of the royal 
dignity, the period of which is uncertain, the government 
degenerated, as is common, into a Hcentious democracy^ 
which, as usual, paved the way for the usurpation of an in- 
dividual. Orthagoras, and his descendants, the last and the 
most famous of whom was Clisthenes, ruled over Sicyon a 
whole century, 700 — 600. Even after the restoration of 
freedom, the Sicyonians frequently endured civil revolu- 
tions, and the period of their glory commences in the last 
ages of Greece, when it became a member of the Achaian 
teague. 

e. AcHAiA. As the Hellenes became extended, this 
country, which was before called Aegialus, was occupied by 
Ion and his family who had been expelled from Athens, 
whence they derived the name of lonians ; till these in their 
turn were driven out by the Achaians, who had been forced 
from Argos and Laconica. The Achaians settled there under 
Tisamenus, the son of Orestes, whose descendants succeed- 
ed him in power, till the tyranny of the last of them, Gyges, 
(uncertain when ?) caused the abolition of monarchy. Achaia 
was then divided into 12 small republics, or the same number 
of cities with their demesnes, each of which consisted of 7 
— 8 wards. All of them were possessed of democratical 
forms of government and stood in a connection with each 
other, which was based upon the most perfect equality, and 
endured till dissolved by the policy of the Macedonian kings ; 
although this very dissolution gave occasion to the Achaian 
league, which was afterwards of so much importance. The 
Achaians lived peaceably and happily, because they had not 
the folly to interest themselves during the Peloponnesian 
war in the quarrels of others, and their constitutions be- 



n. PERIOD TO THE PERSlAT^T WARS. 147 

came so renowned, that several foreign Grecian cities adopt- 
ed them. 

f. Elts. The inhabitants boie, in the most ancient times, 
the name of Epeans, which Uke the name of EHans, was derived 
from one of the early kings. The names of these, their 
most ancient chieftains, as well as that of Endymion, Epeiis, 
Eleus, Augias, are famous in the poets. There appear to 
have generally been several small kingdoms in this country, 
for in the times of Troy, there were four of them, to which 
that of Pylus in Triphylia was added, which country is 
visually counted with Elis. At the Doric emigration, the 
Aetolians settled themselves under their leader Oxylus in 
Elis, so however that the ancient inhabitants remained with 
them. Of his successors, Iphitus, the contemporary of 
Lycurgus is famous as the restorer of the Olympian games, 
the solemnities of which were ever afterwards indebted to 
Elis for their splendor as well as their tranquillity, because 
the territory of Elis was considered sacred ; although it was 
obliged to carry on some wars with its neighbors, the Arca- 
dians, for the precedence in these games. After the aboli- 
tion of the royal dignity in 780, chief magistrates were 
chosen, who possessed at the same time the superintendence 
of these games (Hellanodicae). Of these there were at first 
two, afterwards ten, one from each tribe, (although their 
number frequently changed with the number of tribes). 
They must further have had a senate, consisting of ninety 
persons, who retained their office for life, which senate is 
mentioned by Aristotle. 

The city of Elis was not built till 477. Before that time 
the Elians lived in several small places. 

II. IN MIDDLE GREECE. (HELLAS.) 

a. The state of Megara. Till the Dorian emigration, it 
generally stood under the kings of Attica, or at least under 
princes from their family ; although the Megarians, just 
before this occurrence, after the murder of their last kin^ 



148 THIRD DIVISION. GKECIANS. 

Hyperion, put the government into the hands of magistrates- 
who were elected and held their office for a Hmited time. 
At the irruption of the Dorians in the time of Codrus, Me- 
gara was occupied by Dorians and especially Corinthians 
who for that reason considered the city as their colony, 
and wished, in the period of the Bacchiadae, to keep 
them in dependence, which was the cause of several wars. 
Still Megara preserved its independence as a state, both dur- 
ing these and many following wars among the Greeks, in which 
it engaged by sea as well as land. Tbeagenes, the father in 
law of the Athenian Cylon, had obtained the supremacy 
about the year GOO. After his expulsion, the republican 
form of government was restored, but soon degenerated into 
a mobocracy. Yet Megara again appears in the time of the 
Persian war, in which it honorably engaged, as a well regu- 
lated state, although we have no accounts respecting the in- 
ternal character of its government. 

h. BoEOTiA. History makes mention of several ancient 
nations in Boeotia, as Aones, Hyantes, &lc. with whom the 
Phenicians, who had emigrated under Cadmus, were amal- 
gamated. The race of Cadmus became the reigning one, 
and remained so for a long time, and the history of his de- 
scendants, the kings of Thebes, who reigned over the greater 
part of Boeotia, as Oedipus, Laius, Eteocles and Poly- 
nices, composes a principal branch of Grecian mytholo- 
gy. After the conquest of Thebes by the Epigoni, 1215, 
the Boeotians were driven out by the nations of Thrace and 
settled again in Arne in Thessaly, but, united with the Aeo- 
iians of that place, returned to their country at the time of 
the Dorian emigratk>n. Soon afterwards, in 1126, after the 
death of Xuthus, the royal dignity was abolished. Boeotia 
too was now divided into as many petty states, as there 
were cities, of which, besides Thebes, the cities Plataeae, 
Thespiae, Tanagra and Chaeronea, were the principal, each 
of which had its own territory and internal government, 
which appear to have all degenerated, at the time of the Per- 



11. raRIOD TO THE PERSIAN WARS. 149 

sian wars, into oligarchies. This was also the cr.se in 
Thebes, which had had a law giver from Corinth, Philolaus, 
whose code cannot however have been productive of much 
benefit, since the government continued to waver between a 
licentious democracy and oligarchy. The cities of Boeo- 
lia had, in the mean time, formed a confederacy, of which 
Thebes was the head ; but this superior rank by degrees 
degenerated into a supremacy, to which single states, Pla- 
taeae especially, made a violent opposition which was the 
cause of many wars. The general affairs of the country 
were discussed in four assemblies, which were held in the four 
districts into wliich Boeotia was divided, and which together 
chose eleven Boeotarchs, who stood as chief magistrates at 
the head of the confederacy and at the same time had the 
command of the armies. From the extent and population 
of their territory, the Boeotians^ might have played the first 
part in Greece, if it had not been prevented by the bad 
government of the cities, by jealousy of Thebes and the con- 
sequent want of union. And yet the example of Epaminon- 
das and Pelopidas afterwards showed that the genius of two 
men could outweigh all these defects. 

c. Phocis, was originally governed by kings, descended, 
as it was said, from Phocus, who led to Phocis a colony 
from Corinth. The royal dignity was abohshed about the 
lime of the Dorian emigration ; but the form of the followina: 
repubhcan constitution is uncertain, and of the undertakings 
of the Phocians, before the Persian wars, it is only known 
that they carried on successful wars with the Thessalians. 
Since mention is always made, in history, of the Phocians in 
general, the whole country must have formed one small 
free state. The city of Delphi, however, did not apper- 
tain to it, but had its own government ; the city Crissa 
too, with its fertile territory and the harbor of Cirrha, 
formed, till about 600, a small state rich by exactions 
from the pilgrims to Delphi ; in which year, on account of 
ihe injury done to the Delphic oracle,war was declared against 



150 THIRD DIVISION. GRECIA]>i3. 

it by the Amphictyons, which resuhecl, 590, in the destruc- 
tion of Crissa, and its territory was made sacred. 

d. LocRis. Akhoiigh we know from early history, that 
the Locrians too had their kings, among whom Ajax, the 
son of Oileus, is famous in the Trojan war, and that after- 
wards republican forms of government were introduced, 
neither the time when, nor the manner in which it happen- 
ed is known. The three tribes of the Locri remained po- 
litically distinct. The Locri Ozolae in the west of Phocis 
possessed the greatest territory, in which each city appears 
to have been independent, although Amphissa is named as 
the principal place. The country of the Locri Opuntii in the 
East, composed the territory of the city of Opus, whh the 
internal government of which, and that of their neighbors, 
the Locri Epicnemidii, we are entirely unacquainted. 

e. jEtolia. The iEtolians remained the most rude and 
uncivilized of all the Grecian nations, for they were not 
much more than a nation of robbers, and they carried on 
their robberies, both by sea and land. Famous as are the 
names of their most ancient heroes, such as Aetolus, Peneus, 
Meleager and Diomed, they entirely disappeared from his- 
tory in the flourishing period of Greece, and did not become 
famous before the Macedonian-Roman period, when the 
single small nations that belonged to them, formed a closer 
union, and chose a common leader, to carry on war against 
the Achaians. Such a common alliance seems not to have 
existed in earlier periods ; of the internal department of 
their government at that time, nothing is known. 

f. AcARNANiA. The country derived its name from 
Acarnaa, the son of Alcmaeon, both of whom are mentioned 
as the earliest kings. In the Trojan age, a part of it at 
least appears to have been subject to the rulers of the neigh- 
boring island of Ithaca. When and how the republican go- 
vernment was introduced among the Acarnanians, and what 
was its nature, is uncertain. This much is seen, that here 
too the different cities, of which Stratus was the principal. 



11. PERIOD TO THE PERSIAN WARS. 15 J 

had each a government of its own. These states formed 
alHances, as circumstances required, whence a lasting union 
arose in the Macedonian period. For a long time the city 
of Argos Amphilochicum, with its territory, formed a state 
of itself, which derived its name from Amphilochus, its 
founder, and was very flourishing. But when the inhabit- 
ants were driven out by the Ambracians, whom they them- 
.selves had invited, they sought assistance from the Acarna- 
nians, who, supported by the Athenians, restored them to the 
possession of their city, which was afterwards inhabited in 
common by the Amphilochians and Acarnaniaus, and was 
almost continually engaged in wars with Ambracia. 

III. NORTHERN GREECE. 

a. Thessaly. How important Thessaly is for the an- 
cient history of the Greeks, is evident from the principal 
data given above for the history of the Pelasgi and Hellenes,, 
which last people especially spread itself from thence over 
Greece, at the same time maintaining its residence in Thes- 
saly. In the Trojan period, Thessaly contained ten small 
kingdoms, governed by chiefs, several of whom, as for in- 
stance, Achilles and Philoctetes, were among the most fa- 
mous heroes of the time. After the Trojan war and the 
Dorian migration, Thessaly also must have experienced simi- 
lar pohtical revolutions, but neither the time nor the manner 
can be defined. This much is known from subsequent his- 
tory, the cities of Thessaiy knew not how to preserve 
their political hberty, if they ever possessed it, for in the two 
principal cities, Pherae and Larissa, upon whose history de- 
pends, in a great degree, the history of the country, arbitra- 
ry rulers had acquired the highest power, which they ap- 
pear to have preserved, almost without interruption. In 
Larissa, even before the beginning of the Persian war, the 
race of the family of Aleuadae reigned, who pretended to 
derive their descent from Hercules, and in Herodotus arc 
called the kings of Thessaly. They maintained their power 



152 THIRD DIVISION. GRECIANS. 

till the Macedonian period. — In Pherae there sprang up. 
though not before 380, a tyrant, Jason, who reigned notonl) 
over Thessaly, but also over several of the neighboring bar- 
barous nations, and who was followed, in quick succession, 
by his three brothers, Polydorus, Polyphron, and Alexan- 
der, the last of whom was first driven from Larissa, by the 
Aleuadae, with the assistance of the Macedonians, then at- 
tacked by Pelopidas, and, finally, at the instigation of his 
wife, Thebe, was murdered by her brothers, Lycophron and 
Tisiphonus, 356, who then usurped the government, but, at 
the request of the Aleuadae, were dispossessed by Philip, of 
Macedon. Single instances of such tyrants occur, at times, 
in the other cities of Thessaly, as in Pharsalus, he. 

b. Epirus. This country was inhabited by several na- 
tions, partly Greek, partly not. Of these nations, the most 
powerful was that of the Molossi, who were governed by 
kings of the house of the Aeacidae, descendants of Pyrrhus, 
the son of Achilles. This Grecian dynasty was the only one 
which, without interruption, retained the royal dignity"; 
though their kings, before the Macedonian period, were by 
no means masters of all Epirus, but the other nations that 
were not Grecian, as the Thesprotians, the Orestians, &;c., 
had their own kings ; and besides, Ambracia, the colony of Co- 
rinth, formed a state of itself, which was possessed of a re- 
publican constitution, but was frequently governed by tyrants. 
Through the alliance with the kings of Epirus, however, the 
kings of the Molossi became masters both of all Epirus and 
of Ambracia, and several of them, as especially Pyrrhus II. 
then appeared on the theatre of the world as extensive qon- 
querors. (See below.) 

IV. THE GRECIAN ISLANDS. 

The islands, immediately round Greece, as well as those 
ih the Archipelago, after they, on the expulsion of the 
more ancient inhabitants, who were not Grecians, such as 
the Phenician!?, the Carians, &tc. were occupied by the 



11. PERIOD TO THE PERSIAN WARS. 153 

Hellenes, all of them passed tlirough the same political 
changes as the states of the continent. In the larger islands, 
which contained several cities, thgre generally sprang np as 
many small republics as there were cities, which used to 
establish connexions among themselves ; of the smaller, when 
there was but one city, of which the island formed the terri- 
tory, each constituted a small free state of itself. The 
independence of these islands, in fact, endured only till the 
Persian wars, for since the Athenians by these came to the 
head of allied Greece, and usurped the dominion of the 
sea, these island states were, under the name of allies, treated 
but little better than subjects, except that their constitutions 
were not changed. Of the islands round Greece, those 
principally remarkable in history are : 

a. Corcyra, a colony of Corinth, was distinguished for its 
naval power and commerce ; in which it became the rival of 
Corinth, and engaged in many contests and wars, and was 
also a principal cause of the breaking out of the Peloponne- 
sian war. About the beginning of this war, Corcyra stood 
at the summit of its power ; at that time it could alone send 
out a fleet of 120 galleys ; its government like that of 
Corinth appears to have been, aristocratic or oligarchical ; bur 
after the Persian war, a democratic party was formed, from 
which the most violent of their internal commotions originated, 
and produced the ruin of Corcyra. 

b. Aegina. This small island was, after the Dorian mi- 
gration, inhabited by colonists from Epidaurus, but shortly 
after, freed itself from the dominion of Epidaurus, and, at aa 
early period, arose to be one of the first of the Grecian 
states, by commerce and navigation. Aegina was for a long 
time the rival of Athens, to which it was superior, till the 
Persian war, by means of its naval power. But humbled in 
485, by Themlstocles, it could not maintain itself against 
the immense force of Athens at that time, and, if it after- 
wards sought to become independent, it was only so much 
the more severely punished for it. Besides it suffered even 

20 



154 THIRD DIVISION. GRECIANS. 

before the Persian war by internal commotions, an aristocratic 
and democratic faction persecuting each other with the 
greatest animosity. 

Aegineticorum hber ; scripsit C. O. Miiller 1817. This 
investigation embraces, in addition to pohtical history, the 
history of commerce and the fine arts in Aegina. 

c. EuBOEA. The different cities of this island, Chalcis 
and Eretria especially, had each their own internal constitu- 
tion, which was in both aristocratic, since the government 
was vested in the hands of the wealthy (the Hippobatae) ; 
though mention is made of tyrants in Chalcis. After the 
Persian war, Euboea became dependent on Athens, which 
received thence, in part, its supplies of the necessaries of 
life. The oppression of the Athenians inclined the Euboe- 
ans to rebellion, and they were afterwards ready to break 
free, whenever an opportunity offered, as in 446 when they 
were reconquered by Pericles, and repeatedly during the 
Peloponnesian wars. 

d. The Cyclades were first occupied by colonies from 
Crete, under Minos. The Carian nation had before this 
spread over them, but was gradually driven out by Grecians, 
principally of the Ionian and Dorian races. Of these islands, 
the most important were Delos, the principal place of the 
lonians, which became, under the protection of Apollo, a 
considerable commercial place, and during the Persian "war, 
479, was the treasury of Greece ; Paros, famous for its 
marble, and for the opposition it made to Miltiades 489, 
although at last it met with the same fate as the other islands, 
becoming subject to the Athenians. We are not accurately 
acquainted with the governments of the other small islands. 
Each of them contained a city of the same name with the 
island, of which city the island constituted the territory. 

e. Crete. The inhabitants of Crete were not Grecians 
alone, but of mixed origin, as the Curetes, for instance, the 
Pelasgi, &£C. ; v^ith whom Grecians of the Dorian and 
Aeolian race were intermingled. In the earlier age, Crete 



II. PERIOD TO THE PERSIAN WARS. 155 

had its kings ; among them, Minos, about 1300, probably 
the first master of the whole island, his brotlier Radamanthus, 
and Idomeneus and Meriones, who accompanied the former 
in the expedition against Troy and was his successor, as well 
as the last king Etearchus, about 800, after whom the 
government became republican, are the most renowned. 
Even under these kings Crete was powerful at sea, and to 
Minos is ascribed the merit of having cleared the Aegean 
sea of pirates by his fleets, of having settled the islands, 
and rendered navigation secure. To him the code of the 
Cretans is attributed, which is said to have been formed on 
the model of that of Lycurgus. But our ignorance of what 
belongs to Minos and what does not, is much greater than in 
the case of Lj^curgus j much that is ascribed to him as legal 
institutions, was nothing more than ancient Dorian customs. 
The situation of Crete, which, as an island, was not much 
exposed to foreign attacks, and the contiguity of Egypt and 
Phenicia, may incontestibly have contributed much towards 
developing the seeds of political culture. The abolishing of 
the royal dignity, appears to have been effected by internal 
commotions, to which Crete was still frequently exposed 
under the republican government. They originated in the 
jealousy of the larger cities, Gortyna and Gnossus, which, 
when united, governed the others, but when they engaged in 
quarrels, shook the peace of the whole island, in which 
case, the city Cydonia, by acceding to one side or the 
otlier, usually gave the decision. The laws of Minos con- 
cerning the regulation of private life, which were like the 
Spartan, were introduced into all the cities of the island, but 
fell into decay in them, sooner than they did on the mainland. 
Each city had its own constitution, each had its own senate, 
at the head of which stood ten overseers, as chief magis- 
trates, who were chosen from certain families, who also had 
the command in the wars, which the Cretans seldom waged 
with foreigners, but so much the oftener among themselves, 
by which both their constitution and their national rliaractor 
nsiu?t necessarily have been corrupted. ' 



15(5 THIRD DIVISION. GRECIANS. 

Meursii, Crela, Rhodus, Cyprus, 1675. 4to. Veiy in- 
dustrious compilations. Still the inscriptions, made public 
by Chislmll, in Antiq. Asiaticae, 1728, fol., have diffused 
new light. Use was made of them by St. Croix des anciens 
&c. (see above, p. 131) ; which is the leading work on 
Crete. 

/. Cypkus. This island was, and continued to be occu- 
pied by inhabitants of very different origin, who, even in the 
time of Herodotus, traced their descent, partly from the 
Phenicians, partly from the Africans (^Ethiopians), partly 
from Greeks of Arcadia, Attica, and the inland, Sala- 
mis ; of which the city Salamis, founded by Teucer 
about 1160, was a colony. It is certain that, during the ear- 
lier period, the Phenicians v;ere, for a long time, the ruling 
people in the island ; for in the blooming period of Tyre, the 
Cyprians revolted against these, their oppressors, at the time 
when Tyre was attacked by Salmanassar, in 720 ; and Phe- 
nician monuments are still found on the island. From this 
lime till the Persian period, an intimate relation with the 
Phenicians, but not actual dependence on them, appears to 
have existed ; on the contrary, several small kingdoms were 
formed in the different cities of the island, to the number of 
nine, which were tributaiy to the Egyptians under Amasis, 
about 550, and to the Persians under Cambyses, about 525, 
still, however, retaining their own kings. During the do- 
minion of the Persians, the Cyprians frequently engaged in 
rebellions against them, the kings of Salamis especially, who 
were then the most powerful. As early as the year 500, 
Onesilus took the part of the rebel lonians, but was defeat- 
ed. During the subsequent Persian-Grecian wars, Cyprus 
was often attacked by the allied fleets of Greece, (for in- 
stance, by Pausanias, in 470, and under Evagoras I. 449, 
by Cimon, who died at the siege of Citium) ; but the Per- 
sians were never driven out, and appear to have maintained 
themselves there, even after the peace in 449. Among the 
following kings of Salamis, Evagoras II., between 400 — 



y. PERIOD TO THE PERSIAN WARS. 157 

390, was master of the greater part of the island, but, Cy- 
prus being giv^en up to the Persians in the peace of Antalci- 
das, 387, he was obhged to wage a violent war with them, 
in which he retained nothing but Salamis. The Cyprians 
afterwards, 356, engaged again in the rebellion of the Phe- 
nicians and Egyptians, when the Persians sent against them 
an army, led by a younger Evagoras, who had been expell- 
ed by his uncle, Protagoras, and the Athenian Phocion, who 
besieged Salamis. The matter was settled by a treaty. The 
nine small kingdoms on the Island remained till the time of 
Alexander ; as whose aUies they came forward voluntarily 
during the siege of Tyre, after which Cyprus became a part 
of the Macedonian monarchy. 



2. History of the Grecian Colonies. * 

Raoul Rochette. Histoire critique de I'etablissement des 
Colonies Grecques. Paris. 1815. vol. iv. The most com- 
prehensive examination of the subject. Tt embraces not only 
the colonies of the Hellenes, but those also established at an 
earlier period by the Pelasgi, and afterwards by the Mace- 
donians. Much erudition, but little criticism of his autho- 
rities. 

Geographische und historische Nachrichte n die colonien 
der Griechen betrefFend von D. H. Hegewisch. Altona. 
1808. 8vo. A cursory view of the subject. 

St. Croix de I'etat et du sort des Colonies des anciens 
peuples. Paris. 1786. Very valuable illustrations. 

1. No people of the ancient world has established 
so many colonies as the Grecians, and these have 
become so important in many respects, that we 

* To facilitate the student in taking a general view, we con- 
tinue the history of the Colonies at once, during the following 
period 



158 GRECIAN COLONIES, 

cannot have a perfect view of the early history of 
the world, without an acquaintance with them. For 
not only a, the history of the progressive culture 
of the mother country depends in a great measure 
upon them, but also b. the history of ancient com- 
merce; and also, c. several of these colonies have 
become so important, that they had the greatest 
influence on political history. 

2. The Grecian colonies, of which we now 
speak, are those founded between the times of the 
Doric migration, and the Macedonian period. That 
even before this migration, colonists of the Pelasgi, 
and perhaps of the Hellenes, had crossed over into 
Italy, is hardly to be doubted, but partly, the par- 
ticulars are uncertain, and partly, they afterwards 
ceased to be Grecians ; the later colonies of the 
Macedonians were of an entirely different nature. 

3. The branch of the Hellenes spread itself by 
degrees, both over the eastern and the western 
side of Greece ; but the Grecian settlements on the 
banks of the Mediterranean and the Black sea, con- 
tinued to be limited. Their principal sites of co- 
lonies were here in the East, the coasts of Asia- 
Minor and Thrace, and in the West, the coasts of 
the south of Italy and Sicil}^ Single colonies are, 
however, found scattered along the banks of al- 
most all the other countries. 

4. The Grecian colonies were founded, partly 
from political reasons, chiefly according to the di- 
rections, and on the impulse of the Oracles, (as the 
extension of the worship of the mother cities was 
always connected with them) ; partly for the sake 
of commerce. The first is true, almost without 



II. PERIOD TO THE PERSIAN WARS. 159 

exception, of all the colonies established by the 
mother country itself; the second, of those, which 
were, on the contrary, colonies from other colo- 
nies, that had risen into consequence by their com- 
merce ; — and almost all the Grecian colonics be- 
came more or less commercial cities, although that 
might not have been the design for which they 
were established. 

5. The relation between the colonies and the 
original cities, was generally defined by the cause 
of their settlement. When a city was founded by 
discontented or exiled emigrants, no degree of de- 
pendence existed of itself, and even in the com- 
mercial colonies, this dependence was very weak, 
and never permanent, since the mother cities 
wanted power if not the will, to preserve them. 
But through this very independence of so many 
colonies, which were founded, almost without eX' 
ception, in the most fertile regions of the earth, 
and under the fairest sky, and adapted by their 
situation to navigation and commerce, the culture 
of the Grecian nation, must not onl}^ have made the 
greatest progress, but also must have attained a 
character of universality, such as no other nation 
of the world, at that time, could have attained. 
What a mass, especially of political ideas, must- 
have been put in circulation, where, of several 
hundred colonies, each had its own constitution. 

6. The earliest, and in many respects the most 
important of these colonies, were those along the 
western coast of Asia Minor, from the Hellespont 
to the boundaries of Cilicia. Settlements had been 
made here since the time of the Trojan war, when 



160 GRECIAN COLONIES. 

they first became acquainted with tliese regions by. 
Grecians of the then principal branches, Aeolians, 
lonians and Dorians. These were the most impor- 
tant for commerce, and as at the same time, epic 
and lyric poetry here, in the native land of Homer 
(the father of Grecian culture), of Alcaeus and 
Sappho, unfolded their first and fairest blossoms, 
the taste of the nation, even in the mother coun- 
try, received from them its first direction. 

1. The Aeolian Colonies. They were founded about 1 124, 
and appear to have been a result of the Dorian migration, 
having been established during that great commotion in 
Greece. The Pelopidae, driven from the Peloponnesus, 
Orestes, Penthilus his son, Archelaus his grandson, and 
Grais his great grandson, were successively the leaders of 
the expedition, which consisted in a slow progress by land 
to the Hellespont, in several bands, which Boeotians and 
others gradually joined. In Asia they occupied a part of the 
coast of Mysia and Caria, which region was thence called 
Aeolis, and further, the island? of Lesbos, Tenedos, and 
Hecatonnesus. On the continent, in the district of Aeolis, 
nailed so from them, they built twelve cities, of which 
Cyme and Smyrna were the principal, which last city came 
afterwards into the possession of the lonians. Their princi- 
pal settlements were on the island of Lesbos, where they 
inhabited five cities, the largest of which, and of all their 
colonies, was Mitylene. They had also spread themselves 
into the interior, as far as mount Ida. All these cities were, 
each for itself, independent, and had their own constitutions, 
that underwent many revolutions. An attempt was frequently 
made to restore quiet, by electing arbitrary rulers, with the 
title of Aesymnetae, for a certain time, even for life, of whom 
Pittacus, in Mitylene, about GOO, the contemporary of Sappho 
and Alcaeus, is best known. Their independence continued, 
u\\ Cyrus, (except that Smyrna was taken and destroyed 



GRECIAN COLONIES. 161: 

by the Lydians, about GOO, and was not rebuilt till four hun- 
dred years after, by Antigonus, when its most flourishing 
period commences). The cities on the continent were 
obliged to surrender to the Persians, but not the islands. 
The Aeolian cities were not connected by a lasting bond ; 
in single cases only, their consultations were in common. 
JVIitylene, which they considered as their capital, alone of 
them all, became rich and powerful by its trade, and con- 
siderably numerous navy ; yet that finally became tributary 
to the Athenians, 470, and, having thrown ofT its allegiance 
during the Peloponnesian war, and being reconquered, it was 
aimost entirely destroyed by the Athenians. 

2. The Ionian Colonies. They were founded at a later 
period, but were also a result of the Dorian migration. The 
lonians, after having been expelled from the Peloponnesus by 
the Achaiaus, proceeded to Athens, whence they embarked 
for Asia, 60 years after, about 1044, under the command of 
Neleus and other sons of Codrus. They were joined by The- 
bans, Phocians, Abantians, from Euboea, and other Greeks. 
They took possession in Asia of the southern coasts of 
Lydia and the northern of Caria, which from them bore 
the name of Ionia, besides the islands of Samos and Chios. 
They built twelve cities, from north to south ; on the conti- 
nent, Phocaea, Erythrae, Clazomene, Teos, Lebedus, Co- 
lophon, Ephesus, Prienc, Myus, Miletus, and on the islands, 
Samos and Chios. They all had a common sanctuary, the 
temple of Neptune, Panionium, on the promontory of 
Mycale, where they solemnized their festivals, and counselled 
together concerning common affairs. But, nevertheless, 
each city was of itself independent ; they preserved their 
independence, till the times of the Mermnadae in the king- 
dom of Lydia, and of the Pers ans, to whom they surren- 
dered under Cyrus. Under the Persians they still re- 
tained, for the most part, their internal constitutions, and had 
to pay tribute. But they seized every opportunity to free 
themselves from it, and for that reason their history during the 
21 



I(i2 THIRD DIVISION. 

following period is closely interwoven with that of 
Greece. Their internal forms of government were even now 
entirely republican, but they were subjected not only to con- 
tinual factions, but frequently to single tyrants. Of the 
cities on the continent, Miletus, Ephesus, and Phocaea are 
principally worthy of remark. IMiletus was the greatest 
commercial city of all. It was founded before the Dorian 
tnigration by the Carians, but was rendered rich and power- 
ful by the lonians. Its most flourishing period was between 
700 and 500, in which year it engaged in the rebellion of| 
Aristagoras against the Persians, and was destroyed by them 
for this reason in 49G. Miletus never afterwards recovered its 
former prosperity. During its most flourishing period, Miletus 
was, after Tyre and Carthage, the first cominercial city of 
the wo)ld. By sea, its commerce was principally with the 
Black Sea and the Palus Maeotis, the banks of which were 
on all sides occupied by its colonies, (of which it is said 
according to some accounts to have founded more than a 
hundred). By means of these colonies, it monopoHzed all 
the trade of the north in grain, dried fish, slaves and peltry. 
By land its trade proceeded along the military road, cut by 
the Persians, far into the interior of Asia. It had four har- 
bors and its naval force was so considerable as often alone 
to furnish fleets of SO to 100 vessels of war. — Phocaea. 
Its flourishing period was contemporary with that of Miletus; 
but ended with the commencement of the Persian dominion, 
for the Phocaeenses, to escape from the power of the Persians, 
preferred to leave their native city and emigrate to Corsica, 
although half of them, on reflection, afterwards returned.. 
On sea, Phocaea possessed the most extensive commerce 
of all the Grecian cities, especially towards the west, as the 
Milesians towards the north. Their voyages extended as fair 
as Gades ; and the coasts of Italy, Gallia and especially of 
Corsica, were not merely visited by them, but they founded 
colonies there, as Alalia in Corsica, Elea in Italy, and 
especially Massilia on the coast of Gaul.—Ephesus. This 



allEClAN COLONIES. lQ3 

city was laid out by the Carians, but was occupied by lonians. 
It maintained its independence till Croesus, who gained pos- 
session of it about 560. Its form of government was aris- 
tocratic. The government was placed in the hands of a 
senate, assisted by magistrates. The former royal family 
retained, however, certain privileges. Ephesus was never so 
commercial a city as Phocaea and Miletus. It was most fa- 
mous on account of its temple of Diana, whieh was burned 
in 355 by Herostratus, but was rebuilt in a more splendid 
style. The period of the prosperity of Ephesus appears to 
have commenced about that time, when the prosperity of 
Phocaea and Miletus had a long time ceased. For in the 
Macedonian as well as in the Roman age, Ephesus was con- 
sidered the first city in Asia Minor. — Among the cities on 
the islands, Samos was the most important for its trade and 
naval force. The days of its splendor were under the 
tyrant Polycrates 540 — 523, who had extended his domin- 
ion over the sea and the neighboring small islands. But 
when his brother Syloson, by the aid of the Persians 517, con- 
quered the island, it was almost entirely laid waste. Soon 
after, Samos became dependent upon the Athenians, who 
introduced there a democratical constitution 440, and made 
it the station of their troops and fleets in the war with Sparta. 
Chios was but little inferior to Samos in power and riches. 
It came witli the other lonians under the sway of the Per- 
sians, and was so powerful that in the year 500, on the re- 
bellion of Aristagoras, it was able to furnish the allied fleets 
with 98 vessels of war. After the defeat of Xerxes it 
acceded to the Athenian alliance, of which it sought to free 
itself in the Peloponnesian war. Its naval force was even 
at that time considerable, and it merits the great praise of 
not having become too proud through prosperity. 

F. G. Rambach de INlileto ejusque coloniis. 1790. 4to. 

3. The Dorian Colonies. These were founded on the 
continent of Asia Minor, on the south coasts of Caria, and 
on the islands Cos and Rhode?, but at a later period than 



104 THIUD DIVISION- 

those of the lonians, and by gradual migrations. The Do- 
rians appear to have spread themselves by degrees, from 
the Peloponnesus, over the islands of the Archipelago, to the 
coasts of Asia, where they built the two cities of Halicar- 
nassus and Cnidus, as on Rhodes the cities lalyssus, Cami- 
rus, and Lindus, and on CoS*the city of the same name. — 
These six ancient Dorian colonies, had, like the lonians, a 
common sanctuary, the temple of Apollo Triopius, where 
they solemnized their festivals and held their dehberations. 
From this social union Halicarnassus was afterwards ex- 
cluded. They remained independent till the Persian pe- 
riod. The constitutions of the single cities underwent great 
revolutions, having been changed by Cnidus (uncertain 
when t) from an oligarchy to a democracy. Halicarnassus 
was frequently governed by the kings of Caria, of whom 
Mausolus and Artemisia are known. — The three cities on 
Rhodes do not appear to have become very important ; but 
after the attack upon Greece by Xerxes, the city of Rhodes 
was built which soon eclipsed the others. It appears to have 
been most flourishing after Alexander. Before this period 
the Dorian colonies were as little able as the jEolian, to com- 
pare, in wealth and the extent of their commerce, with the 
Ionian. 

7. The coasts of the Propontis, of the Black Sea 
and the Pal us Maeotis, were also studded with 
Grecian colonies. They were almost all colonies 
of the single city Miletus, but were themselves 
flourishing commercial cities. Although the time 
of the foundation of each cannot be defined, it must 
nevertheless have been between 800 — 600. They 
were not only masters of the navigation of the 
Black Sea, but extended their commerce over the 
whole of the south of Russia, and eastward to the 
countries on the other side of the Caspian Sea, or 
beyond the great Bucharia. 



GRECIAN COLONIE*?. 165 

On the Propontis were situated Lampsacus (near the Hel- 
lespont), and Cizycus on an island, which was connected 
with the main land by bridges. It was one of the most beau- 
tiful and flourishing cities of Asia ; but not before the Roman 
age, when it was favored by the Romans. Opposite to it, 
on the Thracian bank, was Perinthus, afterwards called He- 
raclea ; and at the entrance of the Thracian Bosphorus, was 
Byzantium, and opposite to it, Chalcedon. The prosperity 
of all these cities evinces, how judiciously they selected sites 
l^for planting colonies. 

Heyne Antiquitas Byzantina, Commentationes duae. 1809. 
The first contains the fragments of the more ancient history 
of Byzantium. 

Colonics on the Black Sea, were : on the southern coast, in 
Bithynia, Heraclea, in the country of the Maryandini, it 
maintained its republican constitution, but with a violent con- 
test, and changes between the oligarchical and democratic 
parties, till 370, when the victory of the democratic faction 
made way for the tyrant Elearchus, who abolished the se- 
nate, and whose family, even after his murder by two scho- 
lars of Plato, long preserved the government. — In Paphla- 
gonia, Sinopc, which was the most powerful of all the Gre- 
cian colonies on the Black Sea, and which for a long time, 
held the dominion of it. Its freedom and independence 
continued till about 100 years before Christ, when it came 
under the sway of the kings of Pontus, and afterwards of the 
Romans. Their principal source of subsistence consisted in 
taking the migratory fish, which came from the Palus Mae- 
otis, and proceeded along the southern coast of the Black 
Sea to the Thracian Bosphorus. — In Pontus, Amisus, which 
met with the same fate as Sinope, and which was itself a 
colony of Trapezus. — On the Eastern coast, were the cities 
Pliasis and Dioscurias, which, as well as Phanagoria, were 
the principal markets of the slave trade, and also, in the Ma- 
cedonian period, of the products of India from beyond the 
Oxus and the Caspian sea. — On the Chersonesus Taurica, 



Kit) THIRD DIVISION. 

Panticapaeum, capital of the small Grecian kingdom of Bos- 
phorus, the kings of which (of whom Spartacus, about 439, 
and Leucon especially, about 350, are known) were allies of 
Athens, till Mithridates the Great established there his 
power. On the Northern coast, within the Palus Maeotis, 
was the city of Tanais at the mouth of the river of the same 
name, and Olbia at the mouth of the Borysthenes ; these 
places and Olbia in particular, were of the greatest impor- 
tance for inland trade, which was carried on there, both with 
the North and with the East, as far as the interior of Asia. 
The colonies on the Western coast, as, Apollonia, Tomi, 
Salmydessus, were less famous. 

8. The coasts of Thrace and Macedonia, along 
the -^gean Sea, were likewise settled by Grecian 
colonies, from different cities, but especially from 
Corinth and Athens. The Athenians in particular, 
after having usurped <he dominion of the sea in the 
Persian war, endeavored to gain there a strong 
hold. For this reason, the cities in these regions 
were involved in the contests and wars which were 
caused by the jealousy, first between Sparta and 
Athens, and afterwards between Athens and Ma- 
cedonia, under the reign of Philip. 

On the Thracian coast along the Hellespont, lay the Cher- 
sonesus Thracica, which was considered as the key of Eu- 
rope, with Sestus, Cardia, and Aegospotamos, and farther 
on, the cities of Maronea and Abdera, a colony of Teos. — 
But the cities on the Macedonian coast were much more 
considerable : Amphipohs, Chalcis, Olynthus, and Potidaea. 
The first was a colony from Athens, established about 464, 
which Athens endeavored to keep in a state of dependence. 
Chalcis was a colony from the city of the same name in Eu- 
boea. It was dependent on Athens 470, but the inhabitants, 
having rebelled against Athens, made a voluntary emigra- 
tion to Olynthus. — Olynthus derived its name from its foun-^ 



GRECIAN COLONIES'. 167 

der, the son of Hercules, it was one of the most powerful 
cities in Thrace, but was nevertheless tributary to the Athe- 
nians. It remained, however, a flourishing city, and engag- 
ed in the wars between Athens and Sparta, till it was taken 
and destroyed by Philip of Macedon. — Potidaea was a co- 
lony of Corinth, from which annual magistrates were sent 
out. But having become tributary to Athens after the Per- 
sian war, and having rebelled 431, it was compelled to sub- 
mit to Athens, and after the expulsion of the inhabitants, an 
Athenian colony was sent there. It remained Athenian, till 
it was conquered 358 by Philip of Macedon. 

9. The Grecian colonies to the West of the 
mother country, were founded, almost without ex- 
ception, at a later period than those on the ^gean 
and Black Seas. But they were no less flourish- 
ing ; and although their trade never attained so 
great a compass, it was no less lucrative. The 
Western not only equalled the Eastern colonies in 
riches, but sometimes surpassed them in power, 
and distinguished themselves moreover by wise 
and permanent codes of laws. The establishment 
of most of them took place between 750 and 650, 
in the period, therefore, when republican forms of 
government had obtained in most of the cities of 
the mother country, and for that reason they were 
not wanting in internal commotions, and conse- 
quently in inducements to emigration. 

1. Grecian colonies in Southern Italy. The greatest 
number and the most considerable of them, were established 
in the Gulf of Tarentum. They migrated, however, on the 
Western side as far as Naples. They were partly of Doric, 
partly of Achaian, partly of Ionic descent, and they were 
distinguished from each other, in the character of the go- 
vernments, which, in the Dorian colonies, were generally 



168 THIRD DIVISION. 

inclined to aristocracy, and in the others to democracy, al- 
though from the many changes which their governments 
have undergone, it is scarcely possible to settle any thing in 
general respecting them, except in reference to their earliest 
times. Of Dorian origin were Tarentum, with its colonies, 
Heraclea and Brundusium. Of Achaian origin were Syba- 
ris and Croton, with its colonies Laus, Metapontum, Posi- 
donia, which again founded Terina, Caulonia, and Pando- 
sia. Those of Ionic origin were Thurii (on the site where 
Sybaris had stood), Rhegium, Elea, Cumae, and its colony, 
Neapolis. And Locri Epizephyrii, a colony of the Locri 
Ozolae, may be considered as an Aeolian colony. 

Of the cities, most remarkable for general history, we 
name : a. Tarentum, founded by the Parthenii from Sparta, 
about 707. It carried on many wars with the native na- 
tions in the vncinity, the Messapians, the Lucani, he, and 
was one of the richest and most powerful maritime cities. 
The period of its greatest prosperity appears to have been 
between 500 and 400 years before Christ. The too great 
wealth of Tarentum afterwards led to luxury, which re- 
laxed the spirit of the people. It nevertheless maintained 
its independence till 273, when it fell under the empire 
of the Romans after the war with Pyrrhus. The govern- 
ment was at first a temperate aristocracy, that degenerated 
soon after the Persian war, 474, into a democracy, which, 
however, must have been mitigated by wise limitations. Ta- 
rentum had its senate, without which no war could be de- 
termined on, and magistrates, who were chosen, half by lot, 
half by the majority of voices in the popular assemblies. 
One of its most famous citizens is the Pythagorian Archy- 
tas, who frequently stood, since 390, at the head of the 
state as general and chief magistrate. The form of its con- 
stitution seems to have continued till the Roman period, al- 
though an almost incredible luxury had very much corrupt- 
ed the spirit of the people. 



GRECIAN eOLONlES. 109 

b. Croton. Founded by Achaians from Rhype in Acliaia, 
led by Myscellus about the year 710. Tlie city must liave 
increased Very much within the first century of its exist- 
ence, since the Crotonians were able to furnish 120,000 men 
at the battle at Sagra against the Locri, probably about COO- 
And even the defeat which they here met, appears not to 
have weakened them a long time; for in 510 they attacked 
the Sybarites with about an equal force, and destroyed theii 
■city. The original constitution was, without doubt, a limit- 
ed democracy, of which we know not the organization in de- 
tail. A reform was effected in the morals and governmentb 
both of Croton and several Italian-Grecian cities by Pytha- 
goras, who went to Croton about 540, and established there 
the school or secret society called after him, which aimed, 
not at a revolution in the forms of government in the Ita- 
lian cities, but at the formation of men capable of managing 
the helm of state. This reform and the influence of the 
Pythagoreans continued somewhere about thirty years, when 
their order met with the fate which secret societies, the mem- 
bers of which have pohtical objects, seldom escape. It was 
abolished, probably about 510, by the democratic faction 
under C} Ion. The result was a general anarchy, both in 
Croton, where, about 494, a certain Clinias usurped the 
supreme power, and in the other cities, which however was 
restrained by the mediation of the Achaians. Upon this, the 
Achaian colonies not only adopted the laws of their mother 
city, but also established, a short time after, about 460, in 
the temple of Jupiter Homorius, a league, at the head of 
which Croton, that had already risen again, appears to have 
stood. This prosperous condition continued till about 400. 
'For after the kings of Syracuse commenced their attacks 
upon Magna Graecia, Croton was repeatedly taken by them, 
as in 3S9 by Dionysius I., and about 381, and again 299, 
by Agathocles, when it became dependent upon Rome aftei 
the war with Pyrrhus 277. 

c. Sybaris was about 720 likewise founded hv Achaians, 

22- 



170 THIRD DIVISION. 

intermingled with Troezenians. It stood till 510^ when it wat> 
destroyed by Croton. It became, very soon after its establish- 
ment, one of the greatest, most wealthy and luxurious cities, 
so that the luxury of Sybaris has become a proverb. Sy- 
baris appears to have stood at the summit of its prosperhy 
from somewhere about 600 to 550. It had at that time a 
considerable territory, which comprehended four neighboring 
nations and twenty-five cities or towns. The great fertility 
of the soil, and the rights of citizenship extended to all fo- 
reigners increased the population, so that Sybaris is said to 
have furnished 300,000 men in the war against Croton. — 
The great wealth which Sybaris, as well as the other ci- 
ties of this country possessed, flowed probably (as we know 
of Agrigentum) from the commercial intercourse with Afri- 
ca and Gaul, particularly in oil and wine. The government 
of Sybaris was also, in all probability, a limited democracy, 
till a certain Telys usurped the supreme power about the 
year 510, expelling five hundred of the Optimates, who fled 
to Croton. The Crotonians having received them, and the 
ambassadors of Croton being put to death by the Sybarites, 
a war arose between these two cities which ended in 510 
with the defeat of the Sybarites, and the destruction of their 
city. 

d. Thurii, founded in 44G, near the former Sybaris, 
from Athens. Still the inhabitants were of mixed origin, 
which gave rise in the beginning to many internal commo- 
tions, and contentions concerning the true founders of the 
city, till it was declared by the Delphian Oracle 433, a co- 
lony of Apollo. The government was at first a limited de- 
mocracy, which soon degenerated into an oligarchy, the 
families of the Sybarites which had migrated with them 
seizing the government and the best lands. These were 
again expelled, and Thurii increased by the influx of 
many new colonists from Greece, and obtained a better 
constitution by adopting the laws of Charondas from Ca- 
tana. The Thurii found their principal enemy in the Lu- 



GRECIAN COLONIES. l7l 

caiii, by whom they were conquered 390. The repeated 
attacks of the Lucani, obliged them to seek protection from 
the Romans 280, but they were nevertheless soon after at- 
tacked and defeated by the Tarentines. Thurii now be- 
came subject to Rome, and, it having suffered severely in 
the Carthaginian wars, a Roman colony was at last established 
there. 

e. Locri Epizephyrii. Athough there is a contention con- 
cerning their descent, the reason of it, as with most other 
cities, is partly that colonies were sent out more than once, 
and partly, that those sent out consisted of a mixture of 
different branches of Greeks. The principal colony was 
founded G83 by the Locri Ozolae. After great internal com- 
motions, the Locri obtained about 6G0 a lawgiver in Zaleucus, 
whose regulations remained unaltered 200 years. The 
government was aristocratic, for the administration was 
in the hands of one hundred families. The chief magi- 
strate was called Cosmopolis. The senate consisted of 1000 
members, and was probably a deputation of the citizens, 
possessing entirely, or in part, the legislative power. The 
care of the laws was committed to the nomophylaces, as in 
other Grecian cities. Locri was indeed neither so wealthy 
nor so luxurious as the above mentioned cities, but on the 
contrary it distinguished itself by the good morals and quiet 
behavior of its citizens, who were contented with their go- 
vernment. The city continued in a flourishing state till the 
times of Dionysius II., who, having been expelled from Sy- 
racuse 35G, fled with his party to Locri (the native country 
of his mother), and by his haughtiness and licentiousness ef- 
fected the ruin of the morals of the city, for which the Lo- 
crians revenged themselves on his family after his return to 
Syracuse in 347. Locri afterwards maintained its indepen- 
dence, till the times of Pyrihus, who in 277 settled a garri- 
son there, which the Locrians murdered and acceded to the 
side of the Romans, but w^ere nevertheless pillaged by 
I'yrrhus 275. After this time Locri remained as an al- 



172 THIRD Division. 

lied city, dependent upon Rome, but sufiered severely in the 
second Punic war. 

/. Rhegium. This city was founded from Chalcis in Eu- 
boea 668. The government was aristocratic, the supreme 
power being vested in the hands of a senate of 1000 men^ 
which was chosen from the Messenian faraihes only, who 
had settled there widi the first colonists. Thence arose an 
oligarchy, by which Anaxilaus in 404 opened a way for him- 
self to the monarchy, in which he was succeeded by his sons^ 
476. They having been expelled in 464, commotions arose, 
which were quieted after some time by the adoption of the 
Jaws of Charondas. Rhegium now enjoyed a more prospe- 
rous period, till conquered and destroyed, 392, by Dionysius 
I. Dionysius II. rebuilt it in some degree, but in 281, a 
Roman legion, sent there to garrison it, seized on the city 
and put the inhabitants to the sword. For this they were 
punished with death 271, but Rhegium continued in a state 
x)f dependence upon Rome. 

g. Cumae, founded 1030 from Chalcis in Euboea. This 
city, at a very early period, attained a high degree of power 
and prosperity ; since it was possessed of a considerable 
territory, and an important naval force, and founded Nea- 
polis and Zancle (or Messana) in Sicily. The constitution 
was a limited aristocracy, which was destroyed by the ty- 
rant Aristodemus. Cumae was repeatedly attacked by the 
Italian nations, as in 564 by the allied Etrusci and Daunii, 
who conquered it. It defeated however the Etrusci on sea, 
474, but was taken, 420, by the Campani, with whom it 
came, 345, under the empire of Rome. By its harbor Pu- 
teoli, Cumae remained, even under the Romans, an impor- 
tant city. 

Heyne Prolusiones 16 de civitatum Graecarum per Mag- 
nam Graeciam et Sicilian! institutis et legibus. Complete in 
Opuscula, vol. II. 

2. Grecian Colonies in Sicily. They occupied the 
l^astern and Southern coasts of the island, were founded 



GRECIAN COLONIES. 173 

about the same time as those in Magna Graecia, and belonged 
partly to the Dorian, partly to the Ionian branch. Of 
Dorian origin were : Messana and Tyndaris, from Messene ; 
Syracuse, which in turn founded Acrae, Casmenae, and Ca- 
marina, from Corinth ; Hybla and Thapsus, from Megara ; Se- 
geste from Thessaly ; Heraclea Minoa from Crete ; Gela, the 
founder of Agrigentum, from Rhodes ; and also Lipara on the 
small island of that name from Cnidus. Of Ionian origin were : 
Naxus, the founder of Leontini, Catana and Tauromenium, 
from Chalcis ; Zancle, (after the introduction of Messenian 
colonists, Messana,) founded from Cumae, which also estab- 
lished Himera and Mylae. The most remarkable of these 
states for general history are : 

a. Syracuse, the most powerful of all the Grecian colo- 
nies, and for that reason the one concerning the affairs of 
which we have the most information. Its history, on which 
the history of Sicily in a great measure depends, it having 
been for some time mistress of tlie greater part of the island, 
comprises four periods. 1. From its foundation 735, till 
Gelon 484 (251 years). During this period Syracuse was 
i republic, but does not appear to have increased much. It 
already however founded the colonies, Acrae 665, Casme- 
nae 645, and Camarina 600. It was preserved from the 
attack of Hippocrates, king of Gelon about 497, only by the 
aid of Corinth its mother-state and Corcyra, and was never- 
theless obliged to surrender Camarina to him. The constitu- 
tion was aristocratic, but not without internal commotions. 
The government was placed in the hands of the rich, who were 
soon expelled by the democratic faction and an insurrection 
of the slaves, about 485. They fled to Casmenae and were 
restored by the help of Gelon, ruler of Gela, who himself 
usurped the supreme power. 2. From Gelon to the expul- 
sion of Thrasybulus,'484 — 466. The three brothers, Gelon, 
Hiero, and Thrasybulus, reigned over Syracuse in succes- 
sion, Gelon 484 — 477. He laid the foundation of the 
screatnes? of Syracuse, and at the same time ftf his evvn 



174 THIRD DIVISION. 

power, partly by the augmentation of the number of inhabi- 
tants by the settlement of new citizens from other Grecian 
cities, and partly by the great victory which he gained over the 
Carthaginians, who were in alliance with the Persians. Even 
at that liiue Syracuse was more powerful both by iand and 
sea, than any of the states in Greece itself, so that Gelon 
could claim the chief command in the Persian war, Sparta 
and Athens asking his assistance. His beneficent reign not 
only procured the love of the Syracusans during his life, 
but also a grateful veneration as a hero after his death. 
He died 477, and was succeeded by his brother Hiero I., 
before governor of Gela. His reign was brilliant from the 
splendor of his court and the encouragement, extended to 
the arts and sciences. His power was confirmed by the 
settlement of new citizens both in Syracuse and the depen- 
dent cities, Catana and Naxus, the inhabitants of which 
were transferred to Leontini. — Wars with Theron 476 and 
his son Thrasydaeus, tyrant of Agrigentum, which made 
a treaty with Syracuse after the expulsion of the tyrant ; 
and victory of his fleet, which came to the assistance of 
Cumae, over the Etrusci. Dying in 467 he was suc- 
ceeded by his son Thrasybulus who was expelled, eight 
months after, for his cruelty, by the Syracusians and 
the allied cities. 3. From the expulsion of Thrasy- 
bulus to the elevation of Dionysius I. Syracuse was 
a democratic republic, from 466 — 405. Re-establishment 
of republican forms of government in the rest of the Gre- 
cian cities. Here especially, on account of the expulsion of 
the new citizens and the restoration of the old to their pro- 
perty, it was connected Avith much commotion and even civil 
war. Increasing power and prosperity of Syracuse, that 
now became the head of the allied Grecian cities, but soon 
attempts to change its precedence in. rank Into a kind of 
supremacy in power. The new democratic constitution 
was weakened by the usual evils. A vain attempt to do 
away these evils, was made by the introduction of petalism 
454. In the mean lime, the intimate alliance of the Sicihans, 



jGRECIAN COLONIEiJ. 175 

the former inhabitants of Sicily, under their leader Ducetius, 
having for its aim the expulsion of the Greeks 451, forces 
the Syracusians to repeated wars with them. Their authority 
was now strengthened by the victorious termination of these 
wars, and the subjugation of the ambitious city of Agrigen- 
tum 446, and also by their naval victory over the Etrusci. 
First but fruitless attempt of the Athenians to interfere in the in- 
ternal affairs of Sicily, by assisting the Leontini against Syra- 
cuse 427 ; but eleven years after, the great expedition against 
Syracuse 41 5 — 413, is occasioned by the contests between Se- 
gestaand Selinus, and terminates in the entire destruction of the 
Athenian fleet and army, (see below) ; and Syracuse rises to the 
highest summit of its power. The immediately subsequent 
reform in the constitution effected by Diodes 412, whose 
laws were adopted by many other Sicilian cities. The other 
laws, which ajipear to have referred principally to crimesr 
were the work of a commission, at the head of which 
Diodes stood, and were so beneficial to Syracuse, that a 
temple was erected to him after his death. But in 410, the 
contests between Segesta and Selinus again gave rise to a 
war with Carthage, from which the Segestani had sought 
assistance, and by this the situation of afiairs in Sicily was 
entirely changed. The great progress of the Carthaginians, 
who, under Hannibal, the son of Gisco, had taken Selinus and 
Himera in 409 and Agrigentum in 40G, engendered internal 
discords and factions in Syracuse, through which the crafty 
Dionysius knew how to obtain, first the office of general, 
and, after the banishment of his colleagues in 405, the su- 
preme power of Syracuse. 4. From Dionysiusl. till taken 
by the Romans 405—212. Dionysius I. 405 — 368. The 
commencement of his reign was ominous, from the defeat at 
Gela and sedition among his troops. The plague in the 
Carthaginian army leads to peace in 405, in which Carthage, 
besides its former territory, retains all the conquests it had 
acquired, and Gela and Camarina. But the project of sub- 
jugating the whole island and then Magna Graecia, by driv- 



176 TiJlRD Divisiois. 

ing the Carthaginians from Sicily, produces a loug series of 
wars both with Carthage and the cities of Magna Graecia. 
Second war with Carthage against Hannibal and Himilcon 
398 — 392. Dionysius loses all his former conquests and is 
besieged in Syracuse itself, but a plague among the Cartha- 
ginians for the second time preserves him 39G. Hostilities 
continued however till 392, when a peace was ratified in which 
Carthage resigned the city of Tauromenium. In the mean 
time attacks had been made, since the year 394, upon the 
allied cities in southern Italy, in particular upon Rhegium, 
the principal settlement of the emigrants from Syracuse. 
After repeated attacks this city was obliged to surrender in 
387. The third war with Carthage against Mago, occurred 
in 383. After a victory, and the still greater defeat of Dio- 
nysius, which immediately followed, the war was terminated 
in the same year by a peace, in which both retained their 
former possessions, so that the river Halycus was agreed 
upon as the boundary, by which Carthage retained Selinus 
and a part of the territory of Agrigentum. Fourth war. 
An attack by surprise of the Carthaginian cities, terminated 
how^ever by a treaty. The decision in these wars depended al- 
most always on the side, which the Sicilians, the most powerful 
native people in Sicily, embraced. Dionysius I. dying of poi- 
son in 386, Dionysius II. his eldest son by Doris, one of 
his wives from Locri, succeeded him, but under the guar- 
dianship of Dion, the brother of his other wife Aristomache. 
But neither Dion, nor his friend Plato, who was three times 
called to Syracuse, was able to improve the character of a 
prince, corrupt by education. Dion was banished in 360. 
He returns in 357 and puts himself in possession of Syra- 
cuse, while Dionysius was absent, to whom the citadel still 
remains faithful. Dionysius escapes by stratagem, having 
excited mistrust in the city towards Dion and discord be- 
tween him and his general Heraclidas, and goes himself with 
his treasures to Italy. Dion is obhged to withdraw from the 
city, which is immediately pillaged by the troops from the 



tSRECIAN COLONIES. 177 

•itadel. The Syracusians at this recall Dion, who makes 
himself master of the citadel and endeavors to re-establish 
the republican form of government, but soon falls a victim to 
the spirit of faction. He was murdered 354, by Callippus, 
who governed till 353, when he was deposed by Hipparinus, 
a brother of Dionysius, who retains the supreme power till 
350. After an absence of ten years, Dionysius, for the second 
time, makes himself master of the city by surprise. His 
tyranny, the perfidy of Icetas of Gela, from whom the Sy- 
racusians request assistance, and who unites with the Car- 
thaginians, and the attempts of this last power, impell them 
to apply to Corinth their mother-city, which sent Timoleon 
with a small force to their assistance in 345. Timoleon 
soon effected a change in the situation of affairs. He de- 
feats Icetas and the Carthaginians, and Dionysius II is com- 
pelled, 343, to leave the country. He goes to Corinth and 
lives there as a private man. Re-establishment of the re- 
publican form of government, not only in Syracuse, where 
the laws of Diodes were again introduced, but also in the 
other Grecian cities. These republican governments were 
strengthened by a greater victory over Carthage 340. Ti- 
moleon died in the middle of his new creation 337 ; the 
noblest model of a republican, that history affords ! Between 
337 — 317, there occurs a chasm in the history of Syracuse. 
Wars with Agrigentum and the usurpation of Sosistratus, dis- 
turbed the foreign and domestic quiet. The Syracusians 
were already far too deeply corrupted, to support freedom 
without the personal authority of a Timoleon. They deserved 
their fate, when 317, the adventurer Agathocles usurped the 
supreme power and maintained it till 289. Renewal of the plan 
for the expulsion of the Carthaginians from the island, and the 
subjugation of Magna Graecia. Thence arose a new war with 
Carthage, in which he was beaten 311, and besieged in Syra- 
cuse itself. But by a bold stratagem he crosses over to 
Africa with a part of his fleet, and army, and there, gene- 
^•allv victorious, prosecutes the war till 307. when the rebel' 
33 



178 THIRD DIVISION. 

Hon of most of the Grecian cities in Sicily, calls liim thither- 
His affairs in Africa soon declined. In the peace of 306, 
both parties retained what they had possessed before the war. 
His wars in Italy were confined to the plundering of Croton 
and the siege of the Bruttii ; in fact they were rather rob- 
bing expeditions than real wars. In the year 289 he died 
of poison and Maenon his murderer seizes the empire, but 
was expelled by his general Icetas and flies to the Cartha- 
ginians. Icetas governs as Praetor till 278, when Thynion 
usurps the government in his absence, but finds an opponent 
in Sosistratus, while the mercenary soldiers of Agathocles 
(the Mamertini) seize on Messana and the Carthaginians 
press forward to the gates of Syracuse. The Syracusians 
call to their assistance Pyrrhus of Epirus from Italy, who 277, 
makes himself master of almost all Sicily, as far as Lily- 
baeum, but drawing down the hatred of these cities by his 
haughtiness, is obliged to leave the island in 275. Hiero, 
a descendant of the ancient royal family, is then appointed 
general, who, defeating the Mamertini, is himself proclaim- 
ed king 269. At the breaking out of the war between 
Rome and Carthage, he deserts his alliance with Carthage and 
passes over to the Roman interest 263, by which he purcha- 
ses a long and secure reign, till he died, of old age, in 215. 
Syracuse enjoyed under this wise prince a prosperity, which 
all its demagogues could never have effected. After his 
death, the Carthaginian party is victorious, which is embraced 
by his grandson Hieronymus, after whose murder 214, it 
retains the supremacy by the negotiations of Hannibal, while 
he contrived to put his friends Hippocrates and Epicydes at 
the head of affairs, who excite a war with Rome. By this 
war the ruin of Syracuse was effected after a long siege, 
made remarkable by the inventions of Archimedes 212. Its 
history remains a practical compendium of politics ; for 
where has the state ever existed, which has had so great 
and so varied experience, as Syracuse ? 

The history of Syracuse (see the universal history of 



GRECIAN COLONIES. 179 

Guthrie and Gray, 3d part), was at an early period disfigured 
by partiality. Concerning the locahty of ancient Syracuse, 
Bartels Briefe iiber Calabrien und Sicihen Th. 3, with a 
plan. 

Geschichte von Syracus von Griindung der Stadt bis auf 
den Umsturz der Freiheit durch Dionysius, von A. Arnold. 
Gotha. 1816. 

h. Agrigentum, a colony of Gela, founded 5S2. After 
Syracuse, the first city of Sicily and frequently its rival. It 
retained at first the constitution of its mother-city, i. e. Doric 
or aristocratic. But soon after its foundation, it came under 
the power of tyrants, of whom Phalaris, probably from 5G6 
— 534, is the first known. He was succeeded 534 — 488 by 
Alcmanes, and then by Alcander, a mild governor, under 
whom Agrigentum is said to have become sufficiently weal- 
thy. More famous than they, was Theron the contemporary 
and father in law of Gelon, who ruled from 488 — 472. In 
connexion with Gelon he defeated in 480 the Carthaginian 
army, and subjected to himself Himera. Thrasidaeus, his- 
son and successor, was defeated and expelled by Hiero, 
about 470, when a democracy was introduced among the 
Agrigentines, as allies of Syracuse. The following period 
from 470 — 405 is that in which Agrigentmn, in the enjoy- 
ment of political freedom, attained the highest degree of 
public prosperity. It was one of the richest, most luxurious, 
and on account of its public monuments, one of the most 
splendid cities of the world, and it owed this wealth princi- 
pally to the immense trade in oil and wine, which it carried 
on with Africa and Gaul ; to which countries these products 
were not at that time natural. In the year 446, the Agri- 
gentines, from the impulse of envy, attacked the Syracusians 
but were defeated. They took no part in the war with 
Athens ; but when the Carthaginians invaded Sicily 405, 
Agrigentum was taken and destroyed by them. From this 
defeat Agrigentum recovered very slowly, and never entirely. 
Ft was in some degree restored again by Timoleon about 



]86 THlRt) DlVfSIOIs'. 

340, and was able, under Agathocles 307, to ofler some re- 
sistance to the cities allied against him, but was vanquished. 
After the death of Agathocles, Phintias the tyrant usurped 
the supremacy, who was attacked in 278 by Icetas, of Syra- 
cuse. At the commencement of the first Punic war, Agri- 
gentum was made a depot for arms by the Carthaginians, 
but was captured by the Romans 262. 

c. The fate of the other Sicilian cities was more or less 
involved in that of Syracuse and Agrigentum. All were 
originally possessed of republican forms of government, but, 
although the Ionian colonies had a famous law-giver in Cha- 
rondas (probably about 660) they, as well as the others, ex- 
perienced the fate of being subjected to tyrants, either from 
among themselv^es, or to those of Syracuse, who repeatedly 
expelled the former inhabitants and introduced others more 
submissive to themselves ; by which wars must have been 
multiplied. How much they suffered besides from the wars 
between Syracuse and Carthage, is shown by the preceding 
history. The periods of their establishment occurred in 
this order. Zancle, (afterwards called Messana), the most 
ancient, but uncertain when ? Naxus 736. Syracuse, Hybla 
735. Leontini, Catana 730. Gela 690. Acrae 665. 
Casmenae 645. Himera 639. Selinus 630. Agrigentum 
582. The lime of the others cannot be fixed. 

3. On the other islands and coasts of the Mediterranean, 
there were only single Grecian colonies, as on Sardinia, the 
cities of Caralis and Olbia, the foundation of which is en- 
veloped in uncertainty ; on Corsica, Alaria (or Alalia), a 
colony of the Phocians, founded 561, whither the inhabi- 
tants of Phocaea itself fled, in 541, but after the naval bat- 
tle with the Etrusci and Carthaginians 536, removed some to 
Rhegium, some to Massilia. 

4. On the Gallic coast, Massilia, founded by the Pho- 
ceans driven from Corsica after the navai battle mentioned 
above 536, unless perhaps there was a more ancient settle- 
ment, which they only increased. Massalia soon became a 



GRECIAN COLONIES. 181 

i'ich and powerful maritime city. The wars, which it waged 
on sea with the Carthaginians and the Etrusci, are only 
known to us by general accounts. Its territory on the con- 
tinent was limited, but rich in oil and wine, and it neverthe- 
less founded some colonies along the Spanish and Gallic 
coast, of which AntipoHs, Nicaea and Olbia are best known. 
Its commerce was carried on, partly by sea, partly by land, 
through the interior of Gaul. Its constitution was a limited 
aristocracy. The supreme power was vested in the hands of 
a senate of 600, the members of which, Timuchi, held their 
office for life, but it was a necessary quahfication that they 
should have been married, be the father of children, and 
for three generations have descended from citizens. At the 
head of the senate stood fifteen men, and the chief magis- 
trates were triumvirs. Already in the year 218, Massiha was 
the ally of Rome, and increased through the favor of 
the Romans, who permitted it the enjoyment of freedomj 
until in the war between Pompey, on whose side it 
was, and Caesar, it was taken by the army of the latter 
49. But it soon recovered, and under Augustus became 
the seat of literature and philosophy, which were there pub- 
licly taught as at Athens. 

5. On the Spanish coast was situated Saguntum, a colony 
from the island of Zacynthus ; the time of its settlement is 
uncertain. It became rich by commerce, but was destroyed 
by Hannibal at the beginning of the second Punic war 219, 
as the ally of Rome. 

6. On the coast of Africa, Cyrene, founded by persons 
from the island of Thera 631, at the advice of the Delphic 
oracle. The constitution was at first monarchical. Kings : 
Battus I. the founder 631 — 591. His was afterwards the 
reigning family. Arcesilaus I. f 575. Under his successor 
Battus II. the Fortunate, (f 554) the colony was greatly in- 
creased by new Grecian emigrants. The Lybians, depriv- 
ed of their lands, seek assistance from Apries, who is de- 
feated, however, by the Cyrenians 570, and loses his king- 



182 THIRD DIVrsiOP.. 

dom. — Arcesilaus II. f550. Rebellion of his brothers 
and settlement of Barca ; as an independent state, under its 
own kings. The Lybian subjects revolt. He is succeeded 
by Learchus, his brother or friend ; who endeavoring to 
gain possession of the government, is murdered in his turn, 
at the instigation of Eryxo, widow of Arcesilaus. Thus fol- 
lows her son, Battus III. the Lame f 529. The royal power 
was much circumscribed by the laws of Demonax from 
Mantinea. The king retains only the income and the 
priestly dignity. His son, Arcesilaus III. becomes volunta- 
rily tributary to the Persians ; endeavors in connexion with 
Pheretime his mother to restore the royal power, but is ex- 
pelled ; he nevertheless afterwards recovers the possession 
of Cyrene. But governing with cruelty, he was assassin- 
ated in Barca, 520. Pheretime seeks help from Aryandes, 
the Persian satrap in Egypt, who makes himself master of 
the city of Barca by stratagem, and transplants the inhabit- 
ants to Bactria ; 512. Pheretime died soon after. Proba- 
bly a Battius IV. and Arcesilaus IV, (to whom Pindar's IV. 
V. Pyth. Odes may have been addressed,) afterwards 
reigned in Cyrene ; but their history is obscure. Cyrene 
then received a republican constitution, of the character of 
which we know nothing. But although it invited Plato to 
become its lawgiver, and actually had a lawgiver in Demo- 
cles of Arcadia, it appears never to have possessed a good 
and permanent constitution. Mention is often made not 
only of domestic commotions, as those , about 400, when 
most of the aristocratic party perished in the rebelhon of 
Ariston, but frequently also of tyrants. Of its foreign con- 
tests we only have a general acquaintance with that with 
Carthage concerning the boundaries. After Alexander's 
time Cyrene became a portion of the Egyptian empire, as 
early as Ptolemaeus I. by his general Ophelias about 321 ; 
but frequently had its own rulers, of the house of the Pto- 
lemies (see below), until it became a distinct kingdom under 
Ptolemaeus Physcon, whose illegitimate son Apion bequeathed 



III. PERIOD TO ALEXAiNDER. 183 

it to the Romans in 97. Cyrene carried on great trade, 
partly in its own products, of which the silphium (laser) is 
particularly famous, and it also stood in a close commercial 
intercourse both with Carthage and Ammonium, and by them 
with the interior of Africa. The former splendor and mag- 
nitude of the city, as of the country, are still annoimced by 
a multitude of the noblest ruins ; and that these may be 
more carefully observed, every friend to antiquity must ear- 
nestly desire. 

Hardion Histoire de Cyrene, in Mem. de I'Academie des 
Inscript. T. III. 

Historia Cyrenes, inde a tempore quo condita urbs est, 
usque ad aetatem qua in provinciae form am a Romanis re- 
dacta est ; particula prior, de initiis Coloniae Cyrenen de- 
ductae, et Cyrenes Battiadis regnantibus Historia ; auctore 
Joh. Petro Thrige ; Havniae, Typis Andreae Seidelin 1810. 
The leading work on Cyrene. It is to be hoped that the 
author will not suffer us to wait in vain for the second part, 
which is to embrace the history of the republican period. — 
On the great remains in Cyrenaica a somewhat clearer light 
is shed by : 

Delia Cella Viaggio di Tripoli. 



THIRD PERIOD. 

From the beginning of the Persian Wars, to the 
time of Alexander the Great, 500 — 336. 

Sources. The chief writers of this period are : For the 
history of the Persian wars, to the battle of Plataeae 479, 
Herodotus. For the period from 479 to the commence- 
ment of the Peloponnesian war 431, in the want of contem- 
porary writers, Diodorus of Sicily, from the opening of the 
lUh book, which begins with 480 (the 6, 7, 8, 9, 10th 
l»ooks are no longer extant) to the middle of the 12th 



184 THIRD DIVISION. GRECIANS. 

book would be the leading authority, if it were not often 
necessary to correct his chronology, from the short view 
given in the first book of Thucydides. For the period of 
the Peloponnesian war 431 — 410, Thucydides is the lead- 
ing author, in connection with whom Diodorus, from the 
middle of the 12th, to the middle of the 13th book is to be 
consulted. From the year 410 to the battle at Mantinea 
362, Xenophon is the leading writer in his Historia Graeca, 
and partly also in the Anabasis, and the Agesilaus, and with 
him Diodorus, from the middle of the 13th to near the end of 
the 15th book. For the years 362 to 386, we are again with- 
out any contemporary writer, and therefore Diodorus in his 
16th book becomes the chief source, beside whom, how- 
ever, in the age of Philip, the orations of Demosthenes and 
Aeschines must be consulted. Several of the biographies 
of Plutarch and Cornelius Nepos relate to these periods, 
but cannot be considered as leading authorities ; and still 
less the compendiary accounts of a Justin and some others. 

Those, who in modern times have written of this bloom- 
ing period of Greece, are of course the historians enume- 
rated above, page 119. The following also belong here : 

Potter, Archaeologia Graeca ; or the Antiquities of Greece. 
II vol. 8vo. London. 1722. [There is a recent American 
edition, published at New-York.] 

Barthelemy Voyage du jeune Anacharsis en Grece. (be- 
tween 362 k, 388 b. Ch.) Paris. 17SS. 5 vols, with maps 
and plans for explaining the localities of Athens, &-c. Taste 
and learning stand here in a rare union ; but criticism and -a. 
correct understanding of antiquity not in the same degree. 

Geschichte des Ursprungs, Fortgangs, und Verfalls der 
Wissenschaften in Griechenland und Rom, von Chr. Mei- 
ners. Gottingen. 1781. This contains also a delineation of 
the political condition. But it is continued only to the age 
of Philip. 

The chief works on the monuments of ancient Greece 
are : 




111. PERIOD TO ALEXANDER. 



185 



Les Riiines des plus beaux Monumens de la Grece par 
M. Le Roy. Paris. 1758. ed. 2. 1770. fol. In respect of 
time, this is the first ; but is far surpassed in : 

The Antiquities of Athens, measured and delineated by J. 
Stuart. III. voll. London. 1762. The 4th vol. was not pub- 
lished till 1816. In splendor and exactness this is the first. 

Antiquities and Views of Greece and Egypt, by R. Dal- 
ton. 1791. fol. Of Egyptian monuments it contains only 
those of lower Egypt. 

Ionian Antiquities, published by Rob. Chandler. London. 
1796. 1797. II voll. fol. A work worthy of accompanying 
that of Stuart. 

Choiseul Gouflier Voyage pittoresque dans la Grcce. Vol. 
1.1779. Vol. II. 1809. This comprises particularly the 
islands and Asia Minor. 

1. From a number of small states, such as the 
Grecian were at the commencement of this period, 
not even connected by alliances, but rather en- 
gaged in constant feuds, nothing great could be 
expected, unless some external cause, compelling 
them to common efforts, had prevented them from 
mutually destroying one another. By the attacks 
of the ipersians the foundation was laid for the 
o-reatness of Greece ; and individual states soon 
became so powerful, that the general history of 
Greece turns on their particular destinies. 

The causes of the Persian war were, the part which the 
Athenians took in the insurrection of the lonians, and the 
burning of Sardes 500, (see above, page 97).— Hippias 
made his first effort with the Satraps, and afterwards excited 
the Persian court.— The first expedition of Mardonius, de- 
feated by a storm, took place 493. 

2. Even the demand made of the Greeks by the 
Persian king to submit, is not enough to ^^^, 
arouse their national spirit. All the islands, 

24 



186 I'HIKD DIVISION. GRECIANS. 

and most of the continental states surrender ; Spar-' 
ta and Athens alone venture to reject the demand. 
The Athenians alone, and their leader Miltiades, 
who, at an earlier period of his life, liad become 
acquainted with the Persians and their manner of 
making war, and who also knew the superiority 
of the Grecian armor, were now the saviors of 
Greece. 

Athens and Sparta contend in 491 with Aegina, which 
island favored the Persians, and this gave occasion to the 
expulsion of king Demaratus by his colleague Cleomenes 
in Sparta. 

The expedition of the Persians under Datis and Arla- 
phernes, under the guidance of Hippias, was defeated by 
the battle of Marathon, Sept. 29, 490, and the unsuccessful 
attempt to surprise Athens. 

3. The immediate consequence of these victo- 
ries was a naval expedition against the islands, 
especially against Paros, to which Miltiades, from 
private hatred, persuaded the Athenians, in order 
to levy contributions ; and 'his seems first to have 
awakened in the Athenians the idea of their sub- 
sequent dominion of the sea. Although upon the 
unsuccessful event of this expedition they punish- 
ed Miltiades for their own folly, this injustice was 
still an advantage for Athens ; for the fall of Mil- 
tiades made way for the advancement of the men, 
who in fact laid the foundation of the greatness of 
Athens. 

4. As in every powerful democratic free state, 
the history of Athens is from this time the history 
of individual eminent men, who took the lead as 
generals and demagogues. Themistocles, who 
united in a wonderful manner the most splendid 



Ul. PERIOD TO ALEXANDER. 187 

talents of a statesman and a general with the spirit 
of intrigue and self-interest ; and Aristides, whose 
disinterestedness w?s even at that time a rare 
thing in Athens, are the true founders of the great- 
ness of this republic. Yet Athens owes more to 
the first than to the last. 

The rivalship of these two men 490 — 480. Wliilst The- 
mistocles at the head of the Athenian fleet, executes the 
plan of Miltiades against the islands, the administration of the 
public affairs is in the hands of Aristides. But on the re- 
turn of the victorious Themistocles, Aristides is banished 
from Athens by ostracism 486. Themistocles, alone at the 
head, executes his grand design of making Athens a naval 
power. By means of a war with the hated Aegina 484, 
he induces the Athenians to appropriate the revenue, ar sing 
from their mines, to naval purposes. Whilst Athens was 'bus 
rising to power, Sparta suffered by the insanity of one of its 
kings, Cleomenes, (he was succeeded in 432 by his half- 
brother Leonidas,) and the haughtiness of the other, Leo- 
tychides. 

5. The fflorv of havino; defeated the second 

'^ " '^ , 480. 

grand attack of the Persians, belongs peculiarly 
to Themistocles. Not the naval victory at Sala- 
mis only, but far more the manner in which he 
knew how to operate on his nation, makes him the 
first man of his time, and the preserver of the now 
allied Greece. — How weak is every league in itself, 
and yet how strong can even a weak league be- 
come, when it is led by a great man, able to 
breathe into it his own spirit ! 

Themistocles, in his plan for carrying on the war, designed, 
partly, and not with entire success, to form a general alli- 
ance of all the Hellenic states, leaving to the. Spartans the 
honor of the highest command. ; and partly to make the war 



188 THIRD DIVISION. GRECIANS, 

chiefly a naval one. — The heroic death of Leonidas and his 
300 Spartans and 700 Thespians, on the 6th of July 480. 
His example contributed as much to the greatness of Greece, 
as the victory at Salamis. At the very same time a naval 
battle is fought off Artemisiutn in Euboea with 271 ships. 
The leaders of the Greeks could be retained at their posts 
only by bribes ; and of these Themistocles himself kept the 
most. The deserted Athens was taken by Xerxes and 
burnt on the 20th of July. The Grecian fleet retreats to 
the gulf of Salamis, and all the banished, even Aristides, 
are recalled. — Here observe the crafty conduct of Themis- 
tocles, to prevent the flight of the dispirited Greeks, and at 
the same time to secure for himself an interest in reserve 
with the Persian king. — The naval victory at Salamis was 
gained 23d Sept. 480, with 380 ships, (of which 180 be- 
longed to the Athenians) against the Persian fleet, already 
much weakened. Xerxes retreats. — Poets and historians 
Iiave disfigured these events by making of them a sort of 
ideal, thus giving a lesson, in what degree human greatness 
is wont to be allied with human weakness. 

6. The victor}^ at Salamis did not, indeed, finish 
the war; but the negotiations with Mardonius, the 
Persian general left behind in Thessaly, and with 
the Asiatic Greeks for their hberation, show how 
much the confidence of the nation in its strength 
had increased. The battle by land at Plataeae, 
under tlie command of Pausanias, (the guardian of 
Plistarchus, the son of Leonidas,) and of Aristides, 
and the naval battle at Mycale, and the burning of 
25 Sep. tlic Persian fleet on the same day, free 
^'^^- Greece, and forever, from the invasion of the 
Persians, although the war continued. 

7. The repulse of the Persians produced an en- 
tire change in the internal and external relations of 
Greece. Instead of being the party attacked, the 



UI. PERIOD TO ALEXAaVDEK. 189 

Greeks themselves now act on the offensive ; and 
the liberation of their Asiatic countrymen forms 
the great object or pretext for continuing so profita- 
ble a war, in which the chief command remains 
with Sparta till 470. 

Athens is rebuilt, and in spite of the jealousy of the Spar- 
tans, fortified by Themistocles 478 ; and the still more im- 
portant establishment of the Piraeeus is made 477. — Naval 
expedition under Pausanias, together with Aristides and 
Cimon, against Cyprus and Byzantium, for the expulsion of 
the Persians 470. Treachery and fall of Pausanias 469. 
It is in consequence of his pride, that the chief command 
was then transferred to the Athenians. 

8. This transfer of the chief command to Athens 
decided all the following relations of Greece, not 
only because it increased the jealousy between 
Sparta and Athens, but also because Athens 
knew how to profit by it far otherwise than Sparta 
had done. — A continuing league of most of the 
Grecian States without the Peloponnesus, es- 
pecially of the islands, was formed, and the amount 
is fixed of a yearly tribute to be paid by all, for 
the continuance of the Persian war, and for the 
liberation of the Grecian states in Asia from the 
Persian rule. Although the treasury was originally 
established at Delphos, Athens had still the ad- 
ministration of it, and there was not always such 
an administrator as Aristides. The natural conse- 
quences of this new arrangement were : 1. What 
had hitherto been merely military precedence, now 
became in the hands of Athens political direction, 
which, as usual, soon degenerated into a supre- 
macy. Hence arose the idea of the dominion over 



190 THIRD DIVISION. GRECIANS. 

Greece, as connected with the dominion of the 
sea. 2. The oppression, sometimes real, some- 
times supposed of the Athenians, produced in a 
short time discontent and opposition among seve- 
ral of the allies ; and therefore 3. There gradually 
sprung up an opposite alliance, at the head of 
which was Sparta, that already for the most part, 
maintained the dominion of the Peloponnesus. 

9. The changes of the internal constitution are 
by no means to be measured by the changes, ex- 
pressly made in any institution of Lycurgus or 
Solon. In Sparta all the forms of the constitu- 
tion of Lycurgus were still standing, and yet the 
government was entirely in the hands of the 
Ephori, whose dictatorial power it was, that made 
Sparta formidable. At Athens, in proportion as 
the foreign relations became more important, dur- 
ing a continual contest between the leaders of the 
Democratic and Aristocratic party, the real autho- 
rity, under the guise of a Democracy, falls more 
and more into the hands of the ten generals, annu- 
ally chosen, who at the same time played more or 
less the part of demagogues. 

The law, excluding poorer citizens from public stations, 
was abolished 478. 

Themistocles, who becomes entangled in the fall of Pau- 
sanias, was banished, chiefly through the arts of the Spar- 
tans ; at first by ostracism 469, after which, on further per- 
secution, he flies to the Persians 466. 

10. The next forty years, from 470 to 430, are 
the splendid period of Athens. A concurrence of 
fortunate circumstances, in a people of the noblest 
talents, improved by great men, produced results. 



III. PERIOD TO ALEXANDER. 191 

whicli, under the same forms, have never re-ap- 
pearecl. Political greatness formed the founda- 
tion ; the state, that had vindicated Grecian liberty 
and was now at the head of Greece, desired to 
make an appearance worthy of itself. Hence there 
was in Athens public splendor only, in buildings, 
theatres, and festivals ; and it was possible to have 
this public magnificence, because moderation was 
the character of private life. This public con- 
sciousness of elevated worth unfolded all the blos- 
soms of the mind ; no dividing line was anxiously 
drawn between private and public life ; every 
thing, which Athens produced of splendor and 
greatness, sprung in freshness and life from this har- 
mony, from this full life of the state. How entire- 
ly different was it in Sparta, where severe man- 
ners and laws forbad every developement. In 
Sparta men learnt only how to die for their coun- 
try ; in Athens they lived for it. 

11. Agriculture remained, therefore, in Attica, 
the chief employment of the citizens ; if other 
kinds of business were carried on, it was done by 
slaves. Commerce and navigation extended above 
all towards the Thracian coast, and the Black Sea ; 
but the spirit of commerce never became the rul- 
ing one. After the participation in politics gained 
greater attractions, the necessity of mental educa- 
tion was felt ; and the instruction of sophists and 
rhetoricians began. But this instruction had for 
its object not so much knowledge as the ready use 
of mental powers ; it was desired to learn how to 
think and speak. At the time when this was de- 
sired, poetic culture had already for a long time 



192 telRD DIVISION. GRECIANS. 

been known ; it lost none of its value ; and Ho* 
mer still remained the foundation of intellectual 
culture. How could such blossoms have produced 
other fruits than those, which ripened in the school 
of a Socrates, in the master works of the tragedians 
and the orators, and in the ever living productions 
of a Plato ? 

12. These blossoms of the national spirit were 
unfolded in spite of many evils, which were in- 
separable from such a constitution, among such a 
people. Great men were thrust aside, hnt others 
appeared in their stead. The loss of Themisto- 
cles is replaced by Cimon, the son of Miltiades ; 
who to similar talents unites a purer system of 
policy. He prolonged the war with the Persians, 
to preserve union among the Greeks ; and favored 
the aristocratic party, whilst he seemed to be a 
man of the people. Even his enemies learnt from 
experience, that it was not possible to do without 
the general, who seemed for his whole life to have 
made a league with victory. 

In 469 a new expedition is made under Cimon, and a 
victory gained by sea and land on the Eurymedon. He 
gains possession of the Chersonesus on the Hellespont in 
468. Even at this time some of the allies of the Athenians 
endeavor to break free. Hence in 467, the conquest of 
Carystus in Euboea ; the subjection of Naxos 466, and from 
465 to 463, the siege and taking of Thasos, under Cimon. 
The Athenians continue to endeavor to establish themselves 
more securely on the coasts of Macedonia; by sending a 
colony to Amphipolis in 465. 

The great earthquake in Sparta was followed by a war of j 
ten years' duration, the third Messenian war, or insurrection I 
of the Helots, who fortify themselves in Ithome 465 — 455. 



01. PERIOD TO ALEXANDER. 1H3 

In this war the Athenians, at the instigation of Cimon, send 
help to the Spartans 461, which the Spartans, however, re- 
fuse. Hence the democratic party take occasion to make 
Cimon suspected of being in the interests of Sparta ; in 461 
he is banished by ostracism. 

13. The death of Aristides, and the banish- ^^^ 
ment of Cimon, bring Pericles to the head of 
the state, who since 469 had been possessed of 
influence. Less a general than a demagogue, he 
maintained his importance for forty years till ^^^ 
his death, and governed Athens without hav- 
ing ever been an archon, or a member of the Areo- 
pagus. That the constitution under him became 
more and more democratic, was the result of the 
manner of his elevation, as the head of the demo- 
cratic party. Yet even till 444 the aristocratic 
party were able to oppose to him rivals in the 
generals Myronides, Tolmides, and especially the 
elder Thucydides. 

The spirit of the administration of the state is changed 
under Pericles, as well with reference to the internal, as ex- 
ternal relations. A splendid administration takes the place 
of the economical financial system of Aristides, and yet, 
after 30 years, the public treasury was well filled.— The 
power of the Areopagus was diminished by Ephialtes 461. 
Many causes, which before belonged to its jurisdiction 
and were now withdrawn, could not but limit its inspection 
of morals.— The custom was now introduced of paymg 
those who had seats in the courts of justice. 

In regard to external relations, the precedency of the 
Athenians degenerated more and more into a supremacy of 
command ; though the relations with all the allies were not 
precisely the same. Some were merely aUies ; others were 
subjects.— The amount of the contributions of the allies .« 
25 



194 THIRD DIVISION. GRECIANS. 

increased, and the treasury transferred from Delos to Athens 
461. The envy of the Spartans, and the discontent of the 
allies, increase in the same proportion with the greatness of 
Athens. 

Support, though in vain, was given by an Athenian fleet 
and troops 462 — 458, to the insurrection of Inarus in 
Egypt against the Persians. 

Wars in Greece : The Spartans excite Corinth and Epi- 
daurus against Athens. The Athenians, at first defeated at 
Haliae, in their turn defeat their enemies 458, and upon 
this make war on Aegina, which surrenders 457. In the 
new controversy between Corinth and Megara on the sub- 
ject of boundaries, the Athenians take the side of Megara j 
and Myronides gains a victory at Cimolia 457. The ex- 
pedition of the Spartans to assist the Dorians against Phocis, 
occasions the breaking out of the first war between Athens, 
Sparta and Boeotia, The first battle was fought near Ta- 
nagra and the Spartans were victorious, in the same year 
457. The Boeotians, whom they had urged forward, are 
beaten in the second battle near Tanagra by Myronides 456. 
A consequence of the first defeat was the recall of Cimon, 
eiFected by Pericles himself. 

14. Cimon, now recalled from exile, seeks to 

restore internal tranquillity in Greece, and, on the 

other hand, to renew the war against the Persians. 

His efforts are followed bj- success, though not till 

after five years ; and the consequence is a 

450, . . ,. . . 1 T» 

Victorious expedition against the Persians, 
whose fleet he defeats at Cyprus, and whose army 
he overthrows on the Asiatic coast. The fruit of 
this victory is, finally, the glorious peace with Ar- 
^^^ taxerxes, (mentioned above, page 104). Be- 
^ ' fore it was closed, Cimon dies, too early for 
his country, at the siege of Citium. 



111. PERIOD TO ALEXANDER. 195 

The third Messenian war is terminated victoriously for 
Sparta, by the surrender of Itome 455. — But the war of 
Athens against the Peloponnesians is continued, Tolmides 
and Pericles attacking their territory by sea 455 — 454. At 
the same time Pericles endeavors to confirm the power of 
Athens on the shores of the Hellespont by establishing colo- 
nies there ; a colony is also sent to Naxos 453. Cimon 
negotiates a treaty for a truce, which was in 451 silently, 
and afterwards 450 formally, concluded for five years. The 
consequence of it was his victorious expedition against the 
Persians, and the peace concluded with them. If its condi- 
tions were sometimes violated, they may nevertheless have 
been approved. 

15. The j)eace with Persia, though it was a glo- 
rious one, and the death of the man, who had made 
union among the Greeks the chief object of his 
policy, renewed domestic dissensions, and although 
a period of almost twenty years passed away be- 
fore the breakino: out of the great storm, the 

. 431. 

period was still so unquiet, that Greece sel- 
dom enjoyed in it a general peace. Whilst Athens 
was maintaining its supremacy over the allies, es- 
pecially by means of its naval power, and several 
of these revolted and attached themselves to 
Sparta, the general tendency was more and more 
to a league on the opposite side, and this could 
not but finally lead to a war like the Peloponne- 
sian. Till then Athens stood at the height of its 
power, and under Pericles, who was during this 
period sole ruler in all but the name, it for that 
very reason felt none of the evils, incident to its 
democratic constitution. Who could supplant the 
demagogue, who even in the highest success was 
never deficient in coUectedness ; and who was al- 



1 9*6 THIRD DIVISION. GRECIANSr 

ways able to preserve in the nation the feeling, 
that it was through him the nation was elevated ? 

During the five years' truce the sacred war took place re- 
specting the possession of the Delphic oracle, which the Spar- 
tans give into the hands of the city Delphi, but which, after 
they had withdrawn, the Athenians restore to the Phocians 
448. The Athenians under Tolmides lose a battle, fought 
with the Boeotians 447. As the undertaking was made 
contrary to the advice of Pericles, his influence was increas- 
ed by the issue of it ; especially as he in 446 reduced the 
whole of Euboea and Megara. The truce of five years with 
Sparta comes to an end, and hostilities are renewed 445, 
which, however, are checked by a new peace concluded for 
thirty years, though it in fact lasted but fourteen. — The aris- 
tocratic party is entirely crippled by the banishment of 
their leader, the elder Thucydides 444, by means of which 
the administration of the state comes entirely into the hand«> 
of Pericles. — Democracy is now favored in the allied states^ 
and by force of arms introduced into Samos, which, after a 
nine months' siege, had been compelled to surrender to Pe- 
ricles 440. — In 436 the war begins between Corinth and 
Corcyra respecting Epidaurus, of which the Corcyraeane 
gain possession 435 after a naval victory. The Athenians 
take part in these quarrels in favor of the Corcyraeans 432, 
The breach with Corinth, and the policy of king Perdiccas 
II. of Macedonia, occasion the falling off of the Corinthiaa 
colony Potidaea, which was in the Athenian league ; and 
thus the war was transferred to the Macedonian coasts. 
Battle near Potidaea and siege of the city 432. The Co- 
rinthians turn to Sparta, and excite the Spartans to war^ 
which was accelerated by the attack of the Thebans oh 
Plataeae, a city allied with Athens, 431. 

431 to 16. The histor}^ of the twenty-seven years- 
404. ^g^j.^ called the Peloponnesian, or great Gre- 
cian war, which stripped Greece of its fairest bios- 



Hi. PERIOD TO ALEXANDER. l97 

soms, is the more remarkable, as it was not mere- 
ly a war against nations, but also against constitu- 
tions. The policy of Athens, in order to establish 
or to increase its influence in foreign states, of ex- 
citing the great mass against the Optimates, had 
every where produced a democratic, or Athenian, 
and an aristocratic, or Spartan party ; and of these 
the mutual bitterness occasioned the most violent 
explosions. 

17. We have to explain the very different rela- 
tions, in which the two leading states of Greece at 
that time stood towards their allies. Athens, as a 
naval power, was mistress of most of the islands 
and cities on the coasts, as tributary allies, which 
for the most part obeyed with reluctance. Sparta, 
as a power strong on land, was in connection with 
most of the states of the continent, which had, vol- 
untarily and free from tribute, attached themselves 
to it. Sparta, therefore, could enter on the thea- 
tre of action as the liberator of Greece from the 
yoke of Athens. 

Allies of the Athenians : The islands Chios, Samos, Les- 
bos, all the islands of the Archipelago, (except Thera and 
Melos, which were neutral ;) Corcyra, Zacynthus ; the Gre- 
cian colonies in Asia Minor and on the coasts of Thrace and 
Macedonia ; and in Greece itself the cities Naupactus, Pla- 
taeae, and those in Acarnania. — The allies of the Spartans : 
All the Peloponnesians, (except Argos and Achaia, which 
remained neutral ;) Megara, Locris, Phocis, Boeotia, the 
cities Ambracia and Anactorium, the island Leucas. The 
difference of descent had obviously an influence on the 
connections that were formed ; as Athens appears to take 
tljo lead among the Ionian, Sparta at^ong the Dorian states. 



198 THIRD DIVISION. GRECIANS. 

1 

18. Some account must be given of the inter- 
nal condition of Athens and Sparta at that period. 
The power of Athens depended chiefly on the con- 
dition of its finances ; without which the fleet, and 
without the fleet, the dominion over the allies 
could not be maintained ; and although Pericles, 
notwithstanding his great public expense, was yet 
able to begin the war with a full treasury of 6000 
talents, experience soon taught, that in a free state, 
so democratic as Athens was under Pericles, the 
lavish expenditure of the public money could not 
be prevented. This was, however, far less the 
effect of the faithlessness of individual officers in 
the employment of the state, than of the demands 
of the multitude, which for the most part lived at 
the expense of the public treasury. Sparta, on 
the contrary, was at that time a state without fi- 
nances ; of which it began to feel the want, in the 
same degree, as it became a naval power ; and ad- 
ventured greater undertakings than mere cam- 
paigns. 

The Athenian system of finances. Sources of income : 
1. The tribute of the aUies raised by Pericles from 460 to 
600 talents. 2. The revenue derived from duties, (which 
were farmed out), and from the mines of Laurium. 3. The 
money paid for protection by the inquilini. 4. The con- 
tributions of the citizens, which fell almost exclusively on the 
rich, especially on the first class, the members of which 
were compelled to defray the whole expense of fitting out 
the fleet, as well as the expense of the public festivals and 
shows. The whole income of the republic at this period has 
been estimated at 2000 talents. But the paying of the nu- 
merous persons who had a seat in the courts of justice, (this 
was the chief means of support for the poorer citizens, and 



i III. PERIOD TO ALEXANDER. 199 

more than any thing else, promoted the unrestrained licen- 
tiousness of the democracy and the oppression of the allies, 

I whose causes were brought to Athens for trial,) and the ex- 
pense, incurred for festivals and shows, even then consumed 
by far the largest part. 

Staatshaushalt der Athenienser von Fr. Boekh, 2 Theile. 

1 Berhn. 1816. The chief work on the Finances of Athens. 
Athenian letters, or the Epistolary correspondence of an 
agent of the king of Persia residing at Athens during the 
Peloponnesian war. London. 1798. II voU. 4to. The Ger- 
mans have a translation of this by Fr. Jacobs, 1799. Youth- 

1 ful essays of several authors ; printed, but not pubhshed, as 
early as 1741. The description embraces not Greece only, 
but also Persia and Egypt. 

19. The first period of the war extends to 431 to 
the fifty years' peace. The beginning of the ^^^* 
war was for Athens unsuccessful in the three first 
years under the direction of Pericles, in whose 
plan of acting on the defensive the weakness of 
age is hardly to be mistaken. Yet the annual ma- 
rauding campaigns of the Spartans did not do so 
much injury as the plague, of which Pericles him- 
self finally became the victim. The league 

429 

of the Athenians with the kings of Thrace 
and Macedonia enlarges the theatre of the war ; 
on the other hand Sparta had even at that 
time the idea of forming a union with Persia. 

20. The death of Pericles developes in Athens 
in the next seven years all the consequences of an 
unrestrained democracy, the tanner Cleon having 
pushed forward to occupy his place. The 
wild decrees respecting Mitylene, which had 
revolted and been again taken, and the rising of 
the populace against the wealthy in Corcyra, cha- 



200 THIRD DIVISION. GRECIANS. 

racterize the spirit of faction in Greece, better than 
single events in the war, which were not very im- 
portant nor the result of any plan. Yet 
Sparta gained in the young Brasidas a gene- 
ral, suited to a revolutionary period. His trans- 
ferring the war to the coasts of Macedonia might 
have proved very dangerous for Athens, if he had 
not himself too early become the victim of his 

422. - -^ 

valor. 

The taking of Amphipolis by Brasidas, and the exile of 
Thucydides 424. Battle near this city between Brasidas 
and Cleon, and death of both generals 422. 

21. The peace, now concluded for fifty 
years, could have no continuance, for several 
of the allies on both sides were not satisfied with 
it. And all hope of tranquillity could not but va- 
nish, as the helm of state in Athens came into the 
hands of a youth like Alcibiades, in whom va- 
^^^' nity and cunning took the place of patriotism 
and true talents, and who thought he could esta- 
blish his consequence only in war. — In opposition 
to him, what could the considerate Nicias effect ? 

It was fortunate for Athens, that in this whole 

period, Sparta had not a man, who could outweigh 
even Alcibiades. 

Several states, especially Corinth, make the attempt to 
place Argos at the head of a new alliance, which Athens 
joins 421.— Breach of the peace 419, yet till 415 only in- 
directly by assisting their respective allies. — The plan 
of Alcibiades to secure to Athens, by means of the al- 
liance with Argos, the preponderance in the Peloponnesus is 
defeated by the battle near Mantinea 417.— The Athenians 
wage a war of extirpation against the Melians, who desired 



ni. PERIOD TO ALEXANDER. 201 

to maintain their neutrality, because for the weakest neutra- 
lity was now a crime 416. 

22. The party of Alcibiades in Athens carries 
through the project of the conquest of Sicily, un- 
der the pretext of assisting the Segestani against 
Syracuse. This mad expedition, fatal to the 415 to 
hopes of the Athenians not less than those of ^^^• 
its author Alcibiades, gave Athens the first blow, 
from which it never afterwards, even with the 
greatest exertion of its powers, wholly recovered ; 
especially as Sparta now became a naval power. 

The Athenians had at earlier times taken a part in the af- 
fairs of the Sicilian Greeks. — A fleet and an army, under 
the command of Nicias, Lamachus, and Alcibiades, were 
sent against Sicily 415. — Alcibiades is accused, recalled, 
and flies to Sparta, and the peace is formally broken by an 
incursion of the Spartans into Attica, and the fortifying of 
Decelea 414. The unsuccessful siege of Syracuse was as 
late as in 414 ; and the fleet and army of the Athenians 
were entirely destroyed by help of the Spartans under Gy- 
lippus 413. 

23. Fatal as this blow in Sicily seemed under 
the circumstances of the time to be for Athens, 
the enthusiasm of the Athenians, who never ap- 
pear greater than in misfortunes, rose superior to 
their calamities. They maintained their power 
over their allies ; but the part, which Alcibiades, 
on account of the change in his personal relations 
in Sparta, took in its affairs, was followed by a 
double internal revolution, by which limits were 
set to the unrestrained democrac}^ 

The Spartans form an alliance with the Persians ; indeci- 
sive battle near Miletus. — Alcibiades flies from Sparta to 
Tissaphernes, aiid treats with him, in order to win him [or 
26 



202 THIRD DIVISION. GRECIANS. 

Athens 411, — Doubtful policy of Tissapliernes. — Alcibiactes 
negotiates with the leaders of the Athenian army in Samos, 
by means of which a revolution is effected in Athens itself, 
and the democracy overthrown by the naming of the high- 
est council of 400, instead of the senate, and the committee 
of 5000 from the body of citizens in the place of the popular 
assembly 411. — The army resolves itself into a deliberative 
body ; names Alcibiades general, but declares again for the 
democracy. — In Athens itself great commotions arise, occa- 
sioned by the overthrow of the fleet near Eretrla, the con- 
sequence of which was the faUing off of Euboea. The col- 
lege of 400 was abolished ; after a despotic government of 
four months ; — the constitution is reformed ; the highest au- 
thority transferred to the hands of the 5000, and Alcibiades 
is recalled and makes his peace with the army. 

411 to 24. The splendid period of the command of 
'*^^- Alcibiades follows. The repeated naval vic- 
tories of the Athenians over the Spartans com- 
manded by Mindarus, who had now from distrust 
of Tissaphernes united themselves with Pharna- 
bazus, the satrap of the Northern part of Asia Mi- 
nor, compel the Spartans themselves to ask for 

peace, which the haughty Athens to its own 

misfortune refused. 

Two naval battles on the Hellespont 411. — A great vic- 
tory by sea and land is gained near Cycicus 410. — The 
Athenian rule in Ionia and Thrace is confirmed by the tak- 
ing of Byzantium 408. The splendid return of Alcibiades 
took place in 407, but his deposition from power and volun- 
tary exile belong to the same year. 

25. The younger Cyrus arrives in Asia Minor, 

^^^ and the crafty Lysander succeeds in winning 

him for Sparta. The republican braving of 

Cyrus by Callicratidas, the successor of Lysander, 



Jir. PERIOD TO ALEXANDER. 203 

was a great political mistake, for Sparta with- 
out the subsidies of the Persians was not able 
to pay its sailors, and support its marine. Af- 
ter the overthrow and death of Callicratidas, Lj^- 
sander again obtains the command ; and fi- 405 to 
nally terminates the war of twenty seven ^^^■ 
years victoriously for Sparta. 

Naval victory of Lysander over the Athenians near Noii- 
um 407, by which Alcibiades loses the command. — Ten new 
generals are named at. Athens, among them Conon. — Calli- 
cratidas gains a naval victory near Mitylene and blockades 
Conon in the harbor of that place 406. — A great naval vic- 
tory is gained by the Athenians : Callicratidas is overthrown 
and killed near the islands Aeginussae by the side of Les- 
bos 406. — The unjust condemnation of the Athenian com- 
manders. — Lysander again assumes the command, and the 
last decisive naval victory is gained over the Athenians near 
Aegospotamos on the Hellespont in Dec. 406. — The loss of 
the dominion of the sea was also that of their allies ; whom 
Lysander successively reduces 405. — Athens is besieged by 
Lysander in the same year 405, and finally surrenders in 
May 404. Athens loses its walls and its ships of war ex- 
cepting twelve ; and the constitution, according to the pre- 
scriptions of Lysander, is changed into an oligarchy under 
thirty rulers (tyrants). 

26. So ended a war, which by its moral conse- 
quences was far more destructive than by its poli- 
tical. The spirit of faction took the place of the 
spirit of patriotism ; and national hatred of national 
pride. By the subjection of Athens Sparta now 
came to be the head of allied Greece, which, 403 to 
however, soon found the new dominion of its ^^^' 
liberators much more severe than that of its former 
oppressors. How much did not the revolutions 



204 THIRD DIVISION. GRECIANS. 

cost, which Lysancler found necessary in most of 
the Grecian cities, in order to bring into power 
people of his party, under the guardianship of a 
Spartan prefect ? — How much the Spartan garri- 
sons ? — No rehef from the burden of tribute even 
was to be hoped, as it was now decreed in Sparta, 
" that the State might possoes a treasure." — The 
haughtiness and greediness of the new rulers were, 
therefore, but so much the greater, the less polish- 
ed and the poorer they were. 

History of the reign of terror of the thirty tyrants in 
Athens 403. — What took place here, must more or less have 
taken place in the other Grecian cities, which were revolu- 
tionized by Lysancler ; for his party every where consisted 
of such men as Critias and his associates. It would seem, 
that they, even at an earlier period, had attached themselves 
to one another in narrower circles, from which the boldest 
revolutionary characters were now selected, to be placed 
every where at the head. 

27. Successful revolution in Athens and banish- 
ment of the thirty tyrants by Thrasybulus, favored 
even by the party, opposed to Lysander in Sparta, 
under the king Pausanias. Introduction and re- 
form of Solon's constitution and general amnest}''. 

The forms could be restored ; the spirit that 

had departed, could not be recalled. 

De Theramenis, Critiae, et Thrasybuli, vivorum tempore 

belli Peloponnesiaci inter Graecos illustrium, rebus et ingenio 

commentatio, auctore Ed. Ph. Hinrichs. Hamburg!. 1820. 

An investigation, conducted with care and impartiality. 

28. The defeat of the younger Cyrus involves 
the Spartans in a new^ war with the Persians, in 
400 *^^ ^^^y same year, in which after the death 

of king Agis, Agesilaus gains possession of 



UT. PERIOD TO ALEXANDER. 205 

the ro5'al dignity. His usurpation is cheerfully 
forgotten by those, who follow him in his heroic 
career. A man of his genius Avas alone able to 
make Sparta capable of playing for so long a time 
the overstrained part, which it had now arrogated. 

The war with the Persians is begun by the attack of Tis- 
Saphernes on the Aeohan cities in Asia Minor 400. Thim- 
bron is in 398 succeeded in the command by the more suc- 
cessful and more able Dercyllidas. — He takes advantage of 
the jealousy existing between Tissaphernes and Artabazus, 
and compels the first to a separate truce in 397. — Command 
and campaigns of Agesilaus in Asia, from the spring of 396 
to the spring of 394. It is here, that, after a more intimate 
acquaintance with the internal weakness of the Persian em- 
pire by the successful invasion of Phrygia 395, the idea 
seems first to have been ripened by him of ov^erturning the 
Persian throne ; and this idea was on the point of being ex- 
ecuted, had not the Persians understood the art of raising 
up a war against Sparta in Greece itself. 

29. The Corinthian war was begun against 
Sparta by Corinth, Thebes and Argos, which 
Athens and the 1 hessalians joined, and was 
terminated by the peace of Antalcidas. 
The tyranny of Sparta, and especially the re- 
cent plundering of the holy land of Elis were the 

F'etexts, the bribes of the Persian ambassa- 
• 401. 

dor Timocrates, the true cause. 

The Spartans invade Boeotia, and lose a battle near Ha- 
liartus 394. Lysander falls, and Agesilaus is recalled from 
Asia. — His victory* at Coronea secured, it is true, to the 
Spartans the preponderance by land ; but the defeat of their 
fleet at the same time near Cnidus by Conon, who had re- 
(Teived the command of the Persico-Athenian fleet, gave to 



206 THIRD DIVISION. GRECIANS, 

the latter the dominion of the sea, which Conon used with 
great skill to awaken again at Athens a feeling of indepen- 
dence 393. — Sparta endeavors by great apparent sacrifices to 
gain the Persians, and the peace, which the crafty Antalcidas 
(see above page 108) finally concluded 387, was easily closed 
on the Spartan side, for Sparta resigned by it only that, 
which it could not at any rate have maintained. Its supre- 
macy in Greece was secured by its having the execution of 
the treaty ; the freedom stipulated for all the Grecian cities 
was for them not a real, but only an apparent loss ; and 
ever since the cession of the Asiatic colonies, the preponder- 
ance in Greece itself was no longer decided by the naval 
power, but by the land force. 

30. The disputes, which after the peace of 
Antalcidas Sparta began with Mantinea and 
with Phlius, but still more its participation in 
the disputes of the Grecian-Macedonian cities 
383to with the too powerful Olynthus, satisfactorily 
380. prove, with what haughtiness Sparta behaved 
towards the weaker. But the wilful garri- 

382. . 

soning of the citadel of Thebes by Phoebidas, 
although not enjoined, yet commended by Sparta, 
was followed by more important consequences, 
than had been expected. Would that every faith- 
less violation of the rights of nations might in like 
manner be avenged on its authors. 

31. Period of the rivalship of Thebes with 
Sparta from 378. The greatness of Thebes was 
the work of two men, who knew how to breathe 
their own heroic spirit into theij* fellow citizens 
and allies ; it rose therefore and sank with them. 
History seldom exhibits a duumvirate like that of 
Epaminondas and Pelopidas. How highly must 
we think of Pythagoras, even if Epaminondas 



III. PERIOD TO ALEXANDER. 207 

were the only man whom his philosophy had 
formed. 

Thebes was liberated from the Spartan dominion by the 
successful attack of Pelopidas and his associate conspirators 
378. Fruitless attempts of the Spartans under Cleombrotus 
378 and Agesilaus 377 and 376 against Thebes. The de- 
fensive war, which Pelopidas at that time carried on, whilst 
he confirmed the dominion of Thebes over Boeotia, and 
also knew how to win the Athenians, (whose fleet 376 beat 
the Spartan,) deserves more admiration than a victory. — 
Yet the great designs of Thebes were not developed, till 
Epaminondas came to the head. 

Histoire d'Epaminonde par Seran de la Tour. Paris. 
1752. 

Epaminondas, Biographic von Meissner. Prag. 1801. 2 
Th. This work is not without proofs of the study of the 
sources. 

J. G. Scheibel Beitrage zur genauern Kenntniss der 
alten Welt. 1809. The second part contains the attempt at 
a history of Thebes ; as the first does of Corinth. 

32. A general peace is mediated in Greece hy 
the Persians, (in order to obtain auxiliary troops 
against the Egyptians,) on the condition of the 
freedom of all the Grecian cities ; accepted by 
Sparta and Athens, but rejected by Thebes, 
because it could not accept the condition, 
without soon falling again under the yoke of the 
Spartans. After the lofty language, which 
Epaminondas used as ambassador in Sparta, 
the only question could now be, whether Sparta 
or Thebes should stand at the head of Greece ? 
But would the idea of the preservation of a strict 
equality between the Grecian states have at that 
time been any thing more than a mere chimera ? 



208 THIRD DIVISION. GRECIANS. 

371 to 33. The continuing contest with Sparta, 
362. which Epaminondas so gloriously maintain- 
ed, is equally remarkable in a political and milita- 
ry point of view. The power was broken, whilst 
Epaminondas invented a new system of tactics, 
(from which the Macedonian art of war s9on pro- 
ceeded,) and made for himself a way to the very 
gates of Sparta, as soon as he found allies in the 
Peloponnesus. 

The Thebans gain a victory near Leuctra, July Sth, 371, 
and annihilate the former supremacy of Sparta. — First in- 
vasion of the Peloponnesus, prepared by alliances with Ar- 
cadia, Argos, and Elis. — The attack upon Sparta itself was 
fruitless ; yet the independence of Messene was restored 
369. 

34. Sparta in its distress forms a union with 
Athens under the agreement of an alternate 

369. ® 

command, which may have cost the pride of 
the Spartans dear ; yet by that means the new at- 
tack of Epaminondas upon Corinth and che 
Peloponnesus was guarded against. — Even 
Dionysius I. of Syracuse believed himself bound 
to send help to the Spartans as Dorians. 

35. In the North also Thebes played a part, 
not less splendid than in the South ; if the at- 
tempts at liberating Thessaly from the dominion 
of the tyrant Alexander at Pherae had fully suc- 
ceeded, Thebes would have thus received a great 
increase of its power. Even in Macedonia, Thebes 
was the umpire. 

The first successful expedition of Pelopidas to Thessaly 
was in 368. — After the establishment of the contested suc- 
cession to the Macedonian throne, the young Philip is 
brought as a hostage to Thebes and educated in the house 



III. PERIOD TO ALEXANDER. 209 

of Epaminondas. — Pelopiclas went as ambassador to Alex- 
ander, and was held as a captive by him, and this occasions 
the second expedition of the Thebans, in which Epaminan- 
das saves the army, and liberates his friend 367. 

36. A union between Thebes and Persia was 
successfully negotiated by Pelopidas. At tlie ne- 
gotiations of the opponents at the Persian court, 
the only question was, who should gain it for him- 
self Yet the dictatorial decision with which the 
Persians wished to command peace, had not the 
consequences, w hicli could have been expected ; 
and although Sparta conceded neutrality to its 
allies, it still refused to resign its claims to Mes- 
sene. It would have been lor Thebes of more 
importance than this union to have laid the foun- 
dation of a naval power, to which a happ) begin- 
ning had already been made, if all these plans, 
together with all the greatness of Thebes, had 

not been annihilated by the too early death of 
both its leaders. 

The last expedition of Pelopidas against Alexander of 
Pherae, in which he himself fell, was in 364. — A new inva- 
sion of the Peloponnesns was occasioned by the disturbances 
in Arcadia. — Batde of Mantinea and death of Epaminondas 
June 27th, 362. — A general peace is mediated by the Per- 
sians, which however the Spartans will not conclude on ac- 
count of Messene, but send Agesilaus to Egypt to support 
the rebellion of Tachos. 

37. The consequence of these bloody wars for 

the supremacy in Greece was, that neither Sparta 

nor Thebes retained it, for the former was too 

much enfeebled by the loss of Messene, the latter 

by the loss of its leaders, and both by their violent 

exertions. The condition of Greece appears, 
27 



210 THIRD DIVISION. GRECIANS. 

therefore, after this war in so far essentially 
changed, that no state stands at the head ; a free- 
dom, the result of debility. Even Athens, which 
by means of its naval power had still been able to 
maintain its importance in the cities on the coast 
and on the islands, now lost it and three of its 
most celebrated generals, Chabrias, Timotheus, 
and Iphicrates, (whom Chares could not make 
good,) by the war with the allies. 

The islands Cos, Rtiodes, and Cl)ios, and the city By- 
2antium, form an aUiance and revolt from Athens 358. The 
attempt to besiege Chios in 358, in which Chabrias falls, 
proves unsuccessful, as also Byzantium 357, But Athene 
\^as still more injured by the cabals of Chares against his 
colleagues in command Timotheus and Iphicrates, and his 
imprudent participation in the insurrection of Artabazus 356. 
The menaces of Artaxerxes III. compelled Athens to make 
peace, in which it was forced to concede liberty to its allies. 
38. At the very time, when the increasing- 
power of Macedonia under Philip should have 
united all the Grecian states, if such a union had 
still been possible, Greece plunges into a new civil 
256 to war of ten 3 ears, known by the name of the 

^'^-^- sacred or the Phocian war. The assembly of 
the Amphictyons, whose business it was to pre- 
serve peace, and whose importance had of itself 
risen again, was so perverted from its purpose, as 
to become the occasion of war. The hatred of 
the Thebans, who sought for new occasions of dis- 
sensions with Sparta, and the ambition of the Pho- 
cian Philomenes, are the causes of this war, which 
the policy of Philip continued to prolong, till his 
own time was come. The treasures of Delphi, now^ 
circulated through Greece, were almost as destruc- 
tive to it, as the devastations which it suffered. A 



III. PERIOD TO ALEXANDER. 2 1 1 

war, instigated by personal passions, conducted by 
bribery and mercenary troops, and terminated by 
the introduction of foreign power, seemed well 
suited to destro}^ the remains of morality and pa- 
triotism, which still existed in Greece. 

Decision of the Amphictyons against Sparta respecting 
the former surprise of Thebes by Phoebidas ; and against 
Phocis respecting the culture of the sacred fields of Delphi 
357. — Philomelus is nnade the general of the Phocians ; the 
seizure of the treasure of Delphi enables him, by the help 
of Athenian and other mercenary troops, to conduct the war 
against the Thebans and their allies, the Locrians, &z<c., as 
charged with the execution of the decision of the Amphic- 
tyons. As Philomelus fell in 353, he was followed by his 
brother Onomarchus, still mpre accomplished in the arts of 
bribery and vvar ; who also falls as early as 352 in a battle 
with Philip in Thessaly, and has Phayllus for his successor. 
Even at this time Philip endeavors to penetrate by Ther- 
mopylae into Greece, but is prevented by the Athenians. 
After his peace with Athens 347, he executes this purpose, 
and after reducing the Phocians and thrusting them out of 
the council of the Amphictyons, obtains in their stead a seat 
and voice in that assembly. 

39. Immediately on this first advance of Philip, 
the fate of Greece could hardly remain doubtful, 
although it was deferred b}^ the eloquence of De- 
mosthenes till his second invasion, occasioned by 
the condemnation of the Locrians by the Amphic- 
tyons. (See below, in the following chapter). The 
battle of Chaeronea fully established the guar- ^^^ 
dianship of Macedonia over the Grecian re- 
publics ; which was, as it were, formall}^ ac- ^^^ 
knowledged by the nomination of Philip to be 
the General of Greece in the Persian war, and dicl 
not terminate when he was murdered. 



FOURTH DIVISIO]>r* 

HISTORY OF THE MACEDONIAN MONARCHY, 



FIRST PERIOD. 

From its origin to the death of Mexander the 
Great, from 800 — 323. 

Sources. We have no particular writer on the history of 
Macedonia before Alexander. Accounts respecting the 
earlier history before Philip must be collected from Diodo- 
rus, Justin, Thucydides. Arrian, especially from Dlodorus. 
For the history of Philip, the loss of the other historians 
leaves Diodorus now the first ; but in connection with him, 
use must be made of the orations of Demosthenes and jEs- 
chines, yet with historical criticism. On Alexander the 
Great, as so many writings respecting him have perished, 
Arrian is now the leading writer, on account of his careful 
selection of his authorities. Along with him we have Dio- 
dorus in his 17th book. The biography of Plutarch con- 
tains many valuable single contributions, and Curtius, so de- 
ficient in criticism, is not without several statements, con- 
tained in no other historian, if they were but more worthy 
of being relied upon. 

Of moderns, (beside the general works of Guthrie and 
Gray, vol. 3., Hiibler voll. 2, 3, Uc. (page 2) ; ) the 
writings on Philip and Alexander ; see below. 

1. A Grecian colony from Argos, which under 
^^g the Temenidae, of the race of Hercules, es- 
tablished itself in Emathia, laid the weak 



I. PERIOD TO ALEXANDER*-? DEA'TH. 213 

foundation to the subsequently so powerful Mace- 
donian monarchy. The colony was able not only 
to sustain itself aojainst the natives ; but their kings 
graduall} enlarged their territory by reducing and 
expelling several neighboring tribes. But their 
early history till the irruptions of the Persians, ex- 
cepting the names of their kings, is for the most 
part obscure. 

Of the three first Macedonian kings, Caranus, said to 
have reigned twenty-eight-years, Coenus, twenty -three years, 
and Tyrmas, forty-five years, Herodotus knows nothing ; but 
wames as the founder of the Macedonian rule, Perdiccas, 
729 — 678. Of him as of his successors, Argaeus f 640, 
Philip I. f 602, Aeropus f 576, and Alcetas 1547, it is only 
known, that they carried on wars with their neighbors, espe- 
cially the Pierians and Ulyrians, who had their own kings, 
with various success. 

2. When the invasions of Europe by the Per- 
sians began, Macedonia was from its situation one 
of the first countries, which they entered. Under 
Darius Hystaspis the Macedonian kings became 
tributary to the Persians, and they owed their 
liberation not to their own courage, but to the 
victories of the Greeks. The battle at Plataeae 
479 restored to the kingdom of the Macedonians 
its independence, although this was not formally 
recognized b}^ the Persians. 

Immediately after the Scythian expedition 513, Amyntas 
(f 498,) became tributary to the Persians ; and his son and 
successor Alexander (f454,) who was also compelled to ac- 
company Xerxes in his expedition. 

3. But the banishment of the Persians soon 
gave the Macedonian kings other dangerous neigh- 



214 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MGNARCHV. 

bors, partly in the Thracians, among whom the great 
empire of the Odrysae was formed under 

424, . . 

Sitalces and his successor Seuthes ; partly 
in the Athenians, when they by means of their 
naval superiority had reduced to dependence the 
Grecian colonial cities on the coasts of Macedonia. 
Yet the more oppressive this neighborhood became 
to the Macedonian kings, the sooner and the more 
deeply did it involve them in the affairs of Greece. 

The contests with Athens began under the government of 
Perdiccas II. 454 — 413, because Athens had supported hie 
brother Phihp against him. — Potidaea revohs and Olynthus 
is fortified, to which place the Greeks are transferred from 
Chalcis and other cities, 432. And when Potidaea in 431 
was obhged to surrender to the Athenians, Perdiccas con- 
tinued to play so cunning a part in the Peloponnesian war, 
which had now broken out, that he outwitted the Athenians, 
by preventing the attack of Sitalces by a marriage of his 
own sister to Seuthes, the heir of Sitalces 429. His con- 
nection with Sparta 424, was very injurious to the Athe- 
nians, as Brasidas took Amphipolis from them ; yet even 
now Perdiccas prefers to make peace with Athens 423, 
rather than throw himself entirely into the arms of his new 
allies. 

4. The successor of Perdiccas, Archelaus, lays 
413 to the foundation for the culture of the country 
^^^' and the nation, (though the Greeks would never 
quite acknowledge the Macedonians as brethren,) 
by making walls and fortresses ; and he ever made 
his court the seat of literature. The Macedonian 
kingdom of that day appears to have embraced 
about the districts Emathia, Mydonia, and Pelago- 
nia ; although some neighboring nations under 
their own kings were tributary. The kings had 



t. PERIOD TO Alexander's death. 21i> 

little power without their nobles, among whom, 
like all the ancient chiefs of Grecian tribes, they 
were only the first. How difficult was it for the 
Macedonian nobility to forget this relation even in 
the times of Alexander. 

5. After the murder of Archelaus follows an 
unquiet period, full of obscurities, for, as the rules 
of succession were not definitely fixed, several 
pretenders to the crown appeared, of whom each 
was able without difficulty to find support in one 
of the neighboring nations, or in one of the Gre- 
cian republics. 

Aeropus, as guardian of the young king Orestes, usurps 
the supreme power 400 — 394. After his death and the 
murder of his son Pausanias 393, Amyntas II., (son of Phi- 
lip, the brother of Perdiccas II.), gains possession of the 
throne, which he is not able to maintain till after a contest 
with Argaeus, brother of Pausanias, whom the Illyrians 
'assist 390—369. The war with Olynthus 383—380 could 
'^be successfully terminated only by his union with Sparta. 

6. The three sons of Amyntas II., Alexander, 
Perdiccas and Philip, successively occupy the 
throne after the death of their father, but the two 
first in the midst of such disturbances, that it could 
seem even doubtful, whether a Macedonian king- 
dom were yet to exist. They were at least com- 
pelled to the resolution of paying tribute to the 
Illyrians. 

Alexander, in contest with his rival Ptolemaeus of Alo- 
rus is confirmed on the throne by Pelopidas, and at the same 
time gives his brother Philip as a hostage to be carried to 
Thebes ; but in the very same year he is again deposed by 
Ptolemaeus 368. The regency of Ptolemaeus, under the 
promise of preserving the empire for the two younger bro- 



216 FOURTH DIVISON. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 

thers, 368 — 365, is set in order by Pelojjidas 367. Pto- 
Jemaeus is murdered by Perdiccas 111. 365 ; who is, how- 
ever, almost entirely driven out by Pausanias, an earlier pre- 
tendant to the crown, till the Athenians under Iphicrates con- 
firm him on the throne 364. But in 360 Perdiccas III. 
falls in a war against the Illyrians, leaving behind him Amyn- j| 
tas, a son not yet of age, and his younger brother Philip, 
who, in order to gain possession of the throne, escapes from 
Thebes. 

360 to '^' The twenty-four years' reisjn of Philip is 
336. one of the most instructive and interesting 
in the whole history of the world, by the method 
of his policy. Little as his morality exhibits the 
pupil of Epaminondas, it is yet impossible to view 
without admiration the splendid career of the man, 
who did not lose his courage at an almost des]ie- 
rate beginning, and in his highest prosperity was 
not deserted by prudence. 

Philip's history was in his own age distorted to his dis-* 
advantage by orators and historians. Demosthenes couM^ 
not, Theopompus would not be impartial ; and our accounts 
in Justin and Diodorus proceed for the most part from the 
work of the latter. 

Olivier Histoire de Philippe, roi de Macedonie. Paris. 
1740. 2 voll. 8vo. Defence of Philip. 

De Bury Histoire de Philippe, et Alexandre le grand. 
Paris. 1760. 4to. Of a very moderate value. 

The history of the life and reign of Philip, king of Mace- 
don, by Th. Leland. London. 1761. 4to. Dry ; but writteri 
after extensive reading and with impartiality. 

In Mitford's History of Greece, Philip has found his most 
zealous defender and eulogist. Even now it seems difficult jij 
to write Philip's history impartially. ! ' 

8. The state of Macedonia, when Philip en-j: 
tered on the government, was wretched. Beside,' 



^ I. PERIOD TO Alexander's death. 217 

the victorious foreign enemies, two pretenders to 
the crown were supported ; Argaeus, by Athens, 
Pausanias, by the Thracians ; and Philip liiniself 
was originally not king, but only regent. Yet within 
two years every thing was changed, and Mace- 
donia was again in possession of its independence* 
The newly formed phalanx made victory over the 
barbarians sure ; but against the suspicious Athens 
and the neighboring Grecian colonial cities, espe- 
cially the powerful Olynthus, force alone was not 
aWe to prevail. In the nice management of these 
relations the character of Philip's mind is particu- 
larly to be discerned. 

Peace is purchased of Athens after conquering Argaeus 
by the temporary declaration of the freedom of Amphipolis 
360. — Pausanias is removed, by a compromise with the 
Thracians. — By conquering the Paeonians and lUyrians 359, 
the bounds of Macedonia are forthwith extended to Thrace, 
and on the west to the lake Lychnitis. — Li the year 360 
Philip was proclaimed king. 

9. Philip's further plans for aggrandizement 
are now developed. It was his policy, by the 
gradual reduction of the Grecian-Macedonian 
cities not only to make himself master of Mace- 
donia, but also to remove the Athenians from his 
territory. — His first aim in respect to Greece was, 
to establish his own claims to be considered a 
Greek, and to have Macedonia acknowledged as 
a member of the Grecian union of states. Hence 
the subsequent guardianship of Macedonia over 
the Greeks did not degenerate into an actual en- 
slaving of them, for that would have betrayed the 
barbarian. — The execution of all these designs was 
28 



1218 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 

facilitated, Avhen the possession of the Thraciau 
gold mines enabled Philip together with his pha- 
lanx to create finances. 

Amphipolis is taken 358, (Athens being kept quiet by 
promises, and Olynthus for the time by the restoration of 
Potidaea, which had also been taken ;) and this is followed 
by the conquest of the mountainous district between the 
Nestus and Strymon, a district rich in gold, and having 
mines, that soon produce 1000 talents annually. 

10. Phihp from 357 takes part in the affairs of 
Thessaly, the possession of which was alike im- 
portant for the execution of his plans against 
Greece, and for the improvement of his finances. 
Beginning his career as the liberator of Thessaly, 
he ended with finally making of it a" Macedonian 
province. 

On the request of the Aleuadae 356, the tyrants are 
driven from Pherae, but afterwards again find a support 
during the sacred war in the Phocians under Onomarchus. 
The final subjection of the latter 352, made Philip for the 
time being master of Thessaly, and he established in the three 
principal places Macedonian garrisons, till finally it pleased 
him 344, to give it entirely the form of a Macedonian 
province. 

11. The continuing sacred war in Greece gave 
Philip the best opportunity of executing his plans 
against this country, although his first, premature, 
attempt to penetrate into it was frustrated by 
353. Athens. The taking of Olynthus after 
348. apparent inactivity, in spite of the Athenian 
assistance, covered his rear ; and it was doubtless 
the master stroke of his policy, that he almost at ^ 
the same time expelled the Athenians from Eu- j 
boea, and yet founcj means to begin negotiations 



I. PERIOD TO Alexander's death. 219 

with them, which after repeated embassies were 
followed by a peace, that opened for him the 
way through Thermopylae; and soon ena- ^^'^' 
bled him to form a party in Athens itself. 

i2. Phihp invades Greece for the first time, and 
ter ninates the sacred war by reducing the 
Phocians. The place, which he obtained in 
the ussembly of the Amphictyons, brought him to 
tiie object of his wishes; and the humiliation of 
S;5irta showed how fair!}- his guardianship of 
Greece was established. 

13. The state of Greece, especially of Athens, 
affer the sacred war, needs to be considered, as 
well as the manner in which Philip formed and 
preserved his parties in the Grecian states. Bri- 
bery was not his only method ; he borrowed of 
others as well as gave ; in general it Avas charac- 
teristic of his policy, that he almost never made 
use of the same means twice. Methodical and 
consistent even to his carousings, he almost never 
appears in the same form. 

A melancholy influence was exercised by the spirit of 
faction, the decline of religious sentiment, and also the great 
increase of money by means of the treasures of Delphi 
and Macedonia, on the morahty of the Greeks. — We have 
tx) form an estimate of the power of Athens in the age of De- 
mosthenes and Phocion. Unfortunately the eloquence and 
political sagacity of Demosthenes appear to have been too 
little supported by a talent for negotiation, and Phocion per* 
haps did not trust enough in his country, though Demosthe- 
nes may have trusted too much. Notwithstanding the public 
indolence and voluptuousness Athens was still able to pre- 
serve its importance as a naval power, for it never wen.t really 
w^ll with Philip's marine. 



220 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 

Demosthenes als Staatsman und Redner. Historich- 
Critische Einleitung zu dessen Weiken von A. G. Becker. 
J815. This book is vakiable as a history, and also as an 
introduction to the political orations of Demosthenes. 

14. New conquests of Philip in Illyria and 
^'^'^' Thrace. It seems to have been his purpose 
^'^^- to make the Adriatic Sea and the Danube 
the boundaries of his kingdom. Yet the Thra- 
cians Avere less his object, than the Grecian colo- 
nies on the Hellespont, against which the attacks 
of the Athenian Diopithes gave him a pretext for 
war. But the sieore of Perinthus and Byzan- 

340 . 

tium, frustrated to Philip's great vexation by 
Phocion, arouses not the Athenians only, but the 
Persians from their lethargy. 

15. Policy of Philip after this accident. — Whilst 

he seemed in the war asainst the barbarians on 

339. '-' 

the Danube to have entirely lost the affairs of 
Greece out of sight, his agents were pursuing his 
schemes there with the greatest activity. The well- 
paid Aeschines obtains in the assembly of the Am- 
phictyons his appointment as general of the Greeks 
in the new sacred war, to avenge the pretended 
sacrilege committed by the Locrians against 
Delphi. Agreeably to his usual maxim, he allowed 
them first to entreat him to come. 

16. The second invasion of Greece by Philin. 
By garrisoning the important boundary city 
Elatea, he soon showed, that he fought this time not 
for the honor of Apollo only. — Demosthenes brings 
about an alliance between Athens and Thebes. — 
. ^ But the overthrow at Chaeronea in the same 

Aug. 3. 1 • 1 1 1 

year decided the question of the dependence 



I. PERIOD TO Alexander's death. 221 

of Greece. And now it was easy for Philip to 
play the part of magnanimity towards Athens. 

17. Preparations are now made for the execu- 
tion of the plan against Persia, not as his own, but 
as a national war of the Greeks against the barba- 
rians. Til us by the nomination of Philip by the 
Amphictj'ons to be the general of the Greeks 
against the Persians, the dependence of Greece 
was secured in an honorable manner; and the 
splendor of the undertaking flattered the vanity of 
the nation, at whose expense it was to be executed. 
It is a question, whether Philip's own views ex- 
tended much further? 

18. The domestic government of Macedonia 
under so crafty and so successful a conqueror, 
could not but become unlimited. No pretender 
to the crown was able to make progress against 
such a ruler ; and the body of life-guards, com- 
posed of the Macedonian nobility, and established 
by him in the beginning of his reign, contributed 
much towards placing him on proper terms with 
the grandees of his kingdom. His court became a 
general staff, while the nation was transformed 
from a poor shepherd people to a nation of war- 
riors. — But in his family Philip was not happy ; 
though it was hardly his fault, if he could not live ' 
in harmony with Olj^mpias. 

19. Philip, while solemnizing' at Aegae the 
marriage of his daughter, was murdered by 
Pausanias ; probably at the instigation of Persia. 

20. The reign of Alexander the Great ob- 335 to 
tains its high interest in the eyes of the histo- ^^^" 
rian, not less by the extent, than by the continuance, 



222 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 

of the general revolution, which he occasioned. It' 
is difficult to form a correct estimate of the prince, 
who died, just as he was on the point of executing 
his greatest designs ; but the judgment is certain- 
ly most incorrect, which sees in the pupil of Aris- 
totle nothing more than a conqueror, wild and with- 
out a plan. 

Examen critique des anciens historiens d'Alexaudre le 
grand par Mr. de St. Croix. Seconde edition considera- 
blement augmentee. Paris. 1804. 4to. The new edition 
of this, in several respects important work, (it is the leading 
work on the history of Alexander,) gives far more than the ; 
title promises ; but yet it contains no impartial estimate of 
the king. 

21. The death of Philip produced great com- 
motion at court, and in all the conquered coun- 
tries, and in Greece. Great as his power seemed 
to be, the preservation of it depended entirely on 
the power of his successor, at once to establish his 

credit. Alexander did this by his victorious 

336. ^. . , , rr^, . . , 

expedition against the i hracian nations ; (to 
which he afterwards, especially by his alliance 
with the nation of the Agrians, was indebted 
for his light cavalry ;) and in Greece, by the exam- 
ple which he made of Thebes. 

22. In the assembly at Corinth Alexander is ap- 
pointed the commander in chief of the Greeks 
against the Persians. Yet what his father would 
probably have otherwise turned to account, he al- 
lowed to remain a mere title. — His plan of attack 
on Persia is developed. — The want of a navy, 
which Alexander very soon felt, would probably 
have frustrated Jiis whole project, if Memnon's 



h PERIOD TO Alexander's death. 223 

counter plan of an invasion of Macedonia had not 
been defeated by Alexander's rapidity. 

23. The Hellespont is passed and war be- 
gins. Tranquillity at home and in Greece 
appears to be secured, since Antipater is here in- 
vested with the government. — The victory on the 
Granicus opened to Alexander the way into the 
interior of Asia Minor ; but the death of Memnon, 
which soon followed, was perhaps a still greater 
gain, than a battle won. 

24. The victory at Issus over Darius himself 
appears to have first awakened in Alexander 

the plan of entirely overturning the Persian throne, 
as is indicated by the rejection of Darius' proposals 
of peace. And have not the final plans of con- 
querors always been shaped by the progress of 
events ? Alexander must have been very sure of 
his future victory, since he could suffer Darius 
to fly, in order first by the siege of Tyre, which 
lasted seven months, to become master of 
the sea, and, after the occupation of Egypt, which 
followed immediately without the effusion of 
blood, to erect to himself, in building Alexandria, 
a monument more lasting then all victories. 

Although Alexandria afterwards probably surpassed the 
expectation of its founder, the selection of the site, favora- 
ble only for navigation and commerce, shows that reference 
was originally had to them. 

25. Alexander penetrates into the interior of 
Africa, assisted by the silent submission of the 
subjected nations, and the culture of the 331. 
countries. On the plains of Arbela it was ^*^*-'' 
the Macedonian tactics that gained the victory- 



224 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 

The throne of Persia was now no better than 
overturned ; and the unexpectedly easy taking of 
Babylon, as well as of Susa and Persepolis, was of 
more immediate importance than the pursuit of 
the flying king. 

An insurrection of the Greeks (their ambassador to Da- 
rius Alexander himself took captive in the interior of Asia,) 
was quelled by Antipater 330. 

26. The northwestern provinces of the Persian 
empire would perhaps have been taken only with 
the greatest difficulty, had not the astonishing ra- 
pidity of the conqueror repressed in their origin 
the designs of the traitor Bessus of establish- 

330. 

ing an empire for himself, after the murder of 

Darius, in Bactria, The Jaxartes now became the 

northern boundary of the Macedonian mo- 

329. 

narchy, as it had hitherto been of the Per- 
sian. The possession of the rich commercial 
countries, Bactria and Sogdiana, was of itself of 
great moment. 

During this expedition the execution of Philotas and his 
father Parmenio took place, though both were probably in- 
nocent of the conspiracy, with which they were charged 
330. After the death of Darius, Alexander had almost al- 
ways opposers in the army, for the many believed that with 
that event all was ended. Carefully as Alexander ponduct- 
ed towards the Macedonian grandees, it is not merely in the 
example of Clitus that we see, how difficult it was for them 
to forget their ancient relations to their kings. 
328 to 27. Alexander's Indian expedition had its 
326. Qi-imji in i^is natural fondness for romantic 
undertakings. His own observation of Persian 
splendor, the conquest of such opulent countries, 
and his great commercial schemes could not but 



r. PERIOD TO Alexander's death. 225 

gradually mature in his mind tlie plan of conquer- 
ing that land, which was described to him as pe- 
culiarly the gold country of Asia. To this came 
the imperfect geographical accounts ; for his em- 
pire would, as it seemed, be entirel}' completed, 
if it were to extend to the Eastern ocean. — It cer- 
tainly seems, that Alexander had not a sufficient 
knowledge of the countrj^, when he undertook his 
expedition against it. 

Alexander's invasion was directed against Northern Lidia, 
or Punjab ; at that time a populous and highly cultivated 
land ; now the abode of the Seiks, and in part of the Mah- 
rattas ; even then inhabited by warUke tribes. He passed 
the Indus at Taxila (Attock), crossed the Hydaspes (Bahut 
or Jylum), and, here taking advantage of the differences of 
the hidian princes, conquered the king Porus. He then 
passed the Acesines (Chenab) and Hydraotes (Ravey). The 
eastern limit of his expedition was the river Hyphasis (Be- 
yah), where the revok of his army, while yet but half way 
•to the Ganges, compelled him to return. Returning he 
passed through the country of the Malli (Mooltan) to the 
Hydaspes, where the largest part of the army embarked, to 
pass from this river into the Acesines, and from this to the 
Indus, down which they sailed to its mouth. 

Rennel's Memoir of a Map of Hindostan. London. 1793. 
3d edit., as well as, 

St. Croix Examen, &c. (page i222) contains all necessary 
historical-geographical explanations of Alexander's Persian 
and Lidian expeditions. 

28. Although Alexander was compelled to re- 
linquish the conquest of India, still the connection 
of Europe and India, which continued from that 
time, was his work. The communication by land 
was secured by the colonies which he established, 
29 



226 FOURTH DIVISON. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY^ 

and, by the voyage of his general Nearchus, it was 
his .intention to open the communication by sea 
from the mouth of the Indus to that of the Eu- 
phrates. At the same time he himself on his re- 
turn to Persis and Babylon, passed through the 
desert provinces of Gedrosia and Carmania, which 
till then had never been visited. 

The voyage of Nearchus (known to us by his own jour- 
nal, which yVrrian has preserved for us in his Indicis,) lasted 
from the beginning of October 326 to the end of February 
325, and the ahnost incredible march of the king about as 
long. 

The voyage of Nearchus, from the Indus to the Eu- 
phrates, by D. Vincent. London. 1797. 4to. A most in- 
structive investigation, at the same time illustrated by excel- 
lent Maps. 

29. The whole extent of Alexander's con- 
quests, after he had given up India, was exactly 
that of the former Persian empire, and his farther 
schemes probably extended only to Arabia. But 
easy as it had been to make these conquests, it 
seemed hardly in a less degree difficult to main- 
tain them, for Macedonia, already much exhausted 
by constant recruiting, could not furnish sufficient 
garrisons. Alexander removed this difficulty by 
protecting the conquered from oppression, and re- 
specting their religion ; partly by leaving the civil 
government in the hands of natives, chiefly of 
those who had been employed before ; while the 
command of the garrisons only, which remained in 
the principal places and the newly established co- 
lonies, was entrusted to Macedonians, It was his 



1. PERIOD TO Alexander's death. 227 

principle to overturn in the interior as little as 
possible. 

30. Simple as the plans of Alexander were for 
the beginning, so great they seem to have been 
for the future time. Babylon was to become the 
chief cit}"- of his empire and so of the world. The 
union of the East and the West was to be promot- 
ed by amalgamating the ruling nations by inter- 
marriages and education, but still more by the 
bands of commerce, the importance of which in Asia 
much ruder conquerors soon learned to value. The 
superiority of his genius manifests itself perhaps 
in nothing so much as in the elevation above all 
national prejudices, in which elevation his Mace- 
donians were least of all able to come near him. 
It is impossible to deny him this merit, whatever 
judgment may in other respects be formed of his 
character. 

31. The unexpected death of Alexander of 323. 
a fever in Babylon was under existing circum- ^p-^'- 
stances the greatest calamity, which could have 
befallen mankind. From the Indus to the Nile 
the world lay in ruins, and who was now to make 
good the place of the only architect, capable of re- 
constructing the pile ? 

The illness of Alexander may very readily be accounted 
for, from the excessive fatigue he had undergone, and from 
the mal' aria, to which he exposed himself in clearing the 
canals of Babylon. — He unquestionably did not die of poi- 
son, and when intemperance in drinking is charged upon 
him, allowance must be made for the customs of the Per- 
sian and Macedonian court. Was it otherwise with Peter 
the Great ? When an opinion is to be formed of his morJil 



228 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCH \. 

character, we must not forget the natural violence of his 
feelings, which were capable of the most rapid transitions, 
and the unavoidable influence of constant success on man. 



SECOND PERIOD. 

History of the Macedonian Monarchy from the 
death of Alexander the Great to the battle at 
Ipsus, 323— 301 * 

Sources. The chief authority is Diodorus Lib. xviii — 
XX, who extracted his accounts chiefly from a contemporary 
historian, Hieronymus of Cardia. In connection with him 
we have Plutarch in his biographies of Eumenes, Deme- 
trius, and Phocion ; as well as Justin Lib. xiii. &c. Of 
Arrian's history of the successors of Alexander, we unfortu- 
nately have a ^evj extracts in Photius. 

Mannert Geschichte der Nachfolger Alexander's. Niirn- 
berg. 1787. — With the author's usual critical accuracy and 
learning. 

1. The very first arrangements, that were made 
after the death of Alexander, contained the seeds 
of all the melancholy revolutions, which afterwards 
took place. Not only the jealousy and ambition of 
the leading men, but the interference of the army 
also, is here manifested in a fearful manner. And 
although the idea of the supremacy of the royal 
family was but gradually discarded, the rela- 
tions in this family were so entangled and so me- 
lancholy, that its fall seemed inevitable. 

* To render it more easy to take a general view, the history 
of the European events will be brought up in the particular his- 
tory of Macedonia, 



it. PERIOD TO THE BATTLE OF IPSUS 301. 229 

Condition of the royal family on the death of Alexander. 
He left his wife Roxana pregnant, who in three months gave 
birth to Alexander, the rightful heir of the empire ; an ille- 
gitimate son Hercules ; his illegitimate half-brother Arrhi- 
daeus ; his mother,,the proud and cruel Olympias, and sis- 
ter Cleopatra, both widows ; the artful Eurydice, daughter 
of Cyane, a sister of Philip's, afterwards wife of king Arrhi- 
daeus, and Thessalonice, Philip's daughter, afterwards wife 
of Cassander of Macedonia. 

2. The weak Arrhidaeus under* the name of 
Philip and the child Alexander were at last pro- 
claimed as kings, while the regency was conferred 
on Perdiccas, Leonnatus, and Meleager, of whom 
the last was soon murdered at the instigation of 
Perdiccas. Yet Anti pater, at whose side Craterus 
was placed as civil governor, preserved the direc- 
tion of European affairs. 

3. Thus the subsequent histor}^ could not but 
become a history of Satraps, who quarrelled among 
themselves, because all desired to rule and none 
to obey. This continued for twenty-two years, 
till firmer masses were formed from the fragments 
of the Macedonian monarchy. In few periods of 
history is the change of events so great, and for 
that reason the preservation of a general view so 
difficult. The most convenient division is into 
three periods, of which the first extends to the 
death of Perdiccas 321, the second to the death. 
of Eumenes 315, and the third to the overthrow 
and death of Antigonus in the battle of Ipsus 301. 

4. First division of the provinces by Per- 
diccas. The vain man appears to have intend- 
ed to enforce his claims as regent by reserving 



230 FouRrfi i)ivisioN. Macedonian monarchy. 

no single province for himself; and calculated 
entirely on having the command of the royal 
army ; which had yet given so many proofs that 
it would not obey, but command. 

On the division PtolemaeusLagi received Egypt, Leonna- 
tus Mysia, Antigonus Phrygia, Lycia and Pamphilia, Lysi- 
machus Macedonian Thrace, while Macedonia remained to 
Antipater and Craterus. — The foreigner Eumenes would 
hardly have received Cappadocia, which was yet to be con- 
quered, if Perdiccas could have done without him. The 
other provinces were either not divided anew, or the gover- 
nors are not remarkable. 

5. The first act of the regency of Perdiccas 
showed, how little he would be able to count upon 
the obedience of liis former colleagues. The ge- 
neral revolt of the hired troops, whom Alexander 
had settled in Upper Asia, and who desired to re- 
turn to their country, was quieted with their de- 
struction by Pj'thon, who was sent against them ; 
but the cause was not in Python, if he did not 
make liimself independent master of Upper Asia. 

6. So much the more refractory were Leonna- 
tus and Antigonus, when they received the com- 
mission of putting Eumenes in possession of his 
province. Antigonus was too proud to obey others, 
and Leonnatus preferred to go to Europe to marry 
Cleopatra, where however he fell directly in the 

Lamian war (see below). Perdiccas upon 

322. . . . ^ 

this executed the business himself with the 
royal army by the victory over Ariarathes. 

7. Perdiccas, cherishing the ambitious design of 
mounting the throne by marrying Cleopatra, re- 
pudiated Nicaea, the daughter of Antipater, Cled- 



II. PERIOD TO THE BATTLE OP IPSUS 301. 231 

patra actually came to Asia. But when Perdiccas 
at the recjuest of the army was obliged to marry 
Eurydice, the daughter of Philip's sister, after 
the murder of her mother Cyane, to the king Arrhi- 
daeus, he found in her a rival in the government, 
and an opponent, who was very troublesome to 
him. 

8. Perdiccas makes attempts to overthrow Anti- 
gonus and Ptolemaeus by complaints before the 
army. The former flies to Antipater in Macedo- 
nia; and occasions the union between Antipater, 
Craterus and Ptolemaeus, ag-ainst Perdiccas 

' o 321. 

and his friend Eumenes. 

9. Beijinnins; and end of the first war. 

. ~ 321. 

Whilst Perdiccas himself marches to Egypt, 
and leaves with his friend Eumenes the command 
in Asia Minor, Antipater and Craterus invade Asia, 
While the first advances towards Syria against 
Perdiccas, Craterus is routed and killed by Eume- 
nes. But even before the arrival of Antigonus, 
Perdiccas, after repeated unsuccessful attempts to 
cross the Nile, became the victim of the mutiny 
of his army. — Thus three of the chief per- 

320 

sonages, Perdiccas, Craterus, and Leonna- 
tus had left the stage ; and Eumenes, who had 
just been victorious, had now to sustain alone the 
attack of the allies. 

10. Second period, from the death of Per- ^oa , 

J. ^* -i^u to 

diccas to the death of Eumenes. — ^As Python 3i5. 
and Arrhidaeus quickly resign, Antipater becomes 
regent. — A new division of the provinces is made 
at Trisparadisus in Syria. Seleucus receives 
Babylon, and all the lands of the outlawed ^^^' 



232 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 

Eumenes were promised to Antigonus in addition 
to his former possessions. 

.11. War of Antisfonus acrainst Eumenes. 

320. . 

The latter being overcome by treachery, 
shuts himself up in a firm mountain forest, Nora, 
to wait for better times, and Antigonus becomes 
master of all Asia Minor; while Ptolemaeiis ven-j 
tures to possess himself of Syria and Phenicia. 

12. In the same year 320, died Antipater, the 
regent, naming the aged Polysperchon, to the neg- 
lect of his own son Cassander, his successor as 
regent. Antigonus now begins to discover his t 
ambitious views, and wishes, yet in vain, to win 
Eumenes, who, taking advantage of the opportu- 
nity and circumventing him in the negotia- 
tions, escapes from his fortress. 

13. Whilst Eumenes was on his way to Upper 
Asia, in the design of strengthening himself there, 
news is brought him of his nomination to the chief 
command of the royal troops. And whom could 
Polysperchon have with better reason elected to that 
office, than the man, who in his conduct towards 
Antigonus had just given so strong a proof of his 
attachment to the royal house ? 

14. Eumenes vainly endeavors to sustain himself 
in Lower Asia, since the naval victory of Anti- 
gonus over the royal fleet under Clitus, takes 
from him the dominion of the sea. He 
takes up his march for Upper Asia, and there 
in the spring forms a union with the satraps, who 
were already under arms against the powerful 
Seleucus of Babylon. 



n. PERIOD TO THE BATTLE OP IPSUS 301. -iSS 

15. As Aiiti genus, in the same year 317, follows 
him, Upper Asia becomes the seat of the war. 
Attacked by Antigonus in his winter quarters, 
through the mutiny of the Argyraspidae, who 
had lost their baggage, he was after the battle 
delivered up to Antigonus, who was obliged 

to have him executed. The royal house lost in 
him its solitary faithful defender. 

1 6. But in the royal house much had meantime 
changed. Olympias, who, after the death of her 
enemy Antipater, on the invitation of Pol5sper- 
r.hon given by him to strengthen himself against 
Cassander, had returned from Epirus, had 
caused Arrhidaeus and his wife to be exe- 
cuted ; but was the next year besieged by Cas- 
sander in Pydna, and after her surrender was exe- 
cuted in her turn ; while Cassander kept ^^^ 
Roxana and the young king in his power. 

17. Third division of time, from the death 315 to 
of Eumenes to the death of Antigonus. — The ^^'' 
destruction of Eumenes seemed to have continued 
forever the dominion of Antigonus, in Asia ; espe- 
cially as the youthful old man beheld himself, as it 
were, revive in the bold rioter and talented visionary, 
his son Demetrius. — Even Seleucus thought 

it for his safety to fly from Babylon to Egypt. 

18. Antigonus, having made changes in the 
upper provinces, returns to Asia Minor, where ^^^ 
his presence seemed in the highest degree ne- 
cessary on account of the aggrandizement of Pto- 
lemy in Syria and Phenicia, of the Macedonian 
Cassander in Europe, of Lysimachus in Mysia, 
and of the Cassander of Caria iu Asia Minor. — 

30 



234 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCHIT. 

He again puts himself in possession of Phenicia, 
which was absolutely necessary to him for building 
a fleet. 

The siege of Tyre, which continued 14 months, 314 — 
313, shows that the city had by no means been destroyed 
by Alexander. 

19. The fugitive Seleucus forms a league against 
Antigonus and Demetrius between Ptolemy, the 
two Cassanders, and Lysimachus. But Antigonus 
prevents their union, he himself expelling the 
Carian Lysander, and sending his son against 
Ptolemy, 

Ptolemy gains a victory over Demetrius at Gaza 312, 
after which Seleucus returns to Babylon, and, notwithstand- 
ing he is afterwards pui-sued by Demetrius, he is able to 
keep his ground in Upper Asia. — On the other hand Pto- 
lemy gave up Syria and Phenicia, as soon as Antigonus ap- 
proached with the main army 312. 

20. A general peace is closed between Antigo- 
nus and his foes, but with the exception of Seleu- 
cus, from whom Upper Asia is again to be taken. 

The first condition, that every one should keep 
what he had, sufficiently shows, that Antigo- 
nus prescribed the peace; the second, that the 
Grecian cities should be free, contained the seed 
to a new war, which they were to begin when they 
pleased ; and the third, that Alexander, who was 
now growing up, should, as soon as he became of 
age ascend the Macedonian throne, was, perhaps 
designedly, the sentence of death of the unhappy 
prince, who with his mother was in the same year 
executed by Cassander. — Cleopatra too came soon 
afterwards to her end by the measures of Antigo- 



II. PERIOD TO THE BATTLE OP IPSUS 301. 235 

BUS, lest Ptolemy should gain claims by marrying 
her. 

21. Even the executing of the peace could not 
but produce hostilities, for Ptolemy wished to 
compel Antigonus, and he again Cassander, to 
withdraw their garrisons from the Grecian cities, 
which neither was disposed to do. The freedom 
of the Greeks was now a mere idea ; but it is not 
the only example in history, that political ideas 
become most influential, when they have out- 
lived themselves ; for they can still be used to 
great purpose as pretexts. 

Expedition of Demetrius for the liberation of Athens 308. 
It was the happiest day of his life, when he announced their 
liberty to the Athenians ! Few scenes in history are psycho- 
logically more remarkable, than the double stay of Deme- 
trius at Athens. 

22. The increasing naval power of Ptolemy 
and the taking of Cyprus determine Antigonus to 
a formal rupture ; which was done by giving his 
son the commission to drive him out of Cyprus. 

Demetrius won a great naval victory near Cyprus 307, 
perhaps the greatest and the bloodiest in all history. And 
yet it decided as little for the whole, as naval victories com- 
monly do. The assuming of the title of king, first by the 
conqueror, next by the conquered, and afterwards by the 
rest, was, since the extinction of the royal family, nothing 
more than a mere formality. 

23. The victors failing in their attempt 
to conquer Egypt, determined to find their vic- 
tim in the rich commercial republic of Rhodes, 
as an ally of Egypt. But though by the remarka- 
ble siege of the principal city Demetrius won for 



236 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 

himself the name of Poliorcetes, yet the ex- 

305 

cellent defence of the Rhodians showed, what 
disciphne and well directed patriotism can effect. 
It happened very opportunely for Demetrius, 
that he was able at the request of the Athe- 
nians to withdraw for the more urgent necessity of 
liberating Greece. 

24. Second residence of Demetrius in Greece. 
The expulsion of the garrisons of Cassander from 
the Grecian cities, especially in the Peloponnesus, 
and the nomination of Demetrius as general of the 
Greeks, for the purpose of conquering Macedo- 
nia and Thrace, showed not to Cassander alone, 
but to the other princes, how much it was their 
common interest to oppose the too powerful Anti- 
gonus. 

25. The third great alliance between Cassander, 
Ptolemy, and Seleucus against Antigonus and 
his son is formed by Cassander. How easy 

would it have been for Antigonus, even after the 
rapid incursion of Lysimachus into Asia Minor, to 
have divided the force of the impending storm, if 
the presumptuous man had not trusted too much 
in his fortune. 

26. Seleucus from Babylon and Lysimachus form 
301 ^ junction in Phrygia. Antigonus also, to 
concentrate his force, recals his son from 
Greece, who had already penetrated to the Mace- 
donian confines. The prudent Ptolemy on the 
other hand scarcely ventures to invade ; and is in- 
duced by a false rumor of the defeat of Lysimachus 
to retreat to Egypt. 
27. A great md decisive battle is fought at Ipsus 



II. PERIOD TO fHE BATTLE OF IPSUS 301. 237 

in Phrygia in the spring of 301. It not only 
cost Antigonus his life, but also annihilated 
his kingdom, which the two conquerors divided 
between themselves without any care for their 
absent allies. Lysimachus received Asia Minor 
as far as the Taurus ; all the rest fell to Seleucus ; 
except that they gave Cilicia to Plisthenes, the 
brother of Cassander. — Demetrius by the assis- 
tance of his naval power escaped to Greece. 

28. The almost uninterrupted series of wars, 
since the death of Alexander, made it in itself im- 
possible to effect much for the organization of in- 
ternal affairs. It seems to have been almost ex- 
clusively military. Yet the frequent devastations 
were in some measure repaired by the building of 
new cities, in which these princes endeavored to 
rival one another, partly from vanity to perpetuate 
their names, and partly for the maintenance of 
their power, for the new places were chiefly mili- 
tary colonies. Yet this could but poorly compen^ 
sate for the many oppressions, to which the native 
nations were exposed, at whose expense the armies 
were accustomed to live. The extension ot the 
Greek language and culture took from them all 
that was peculiarly characteristic ; as their langua- 
ges ceased to be anything more than dialects of 
the people. The monarchy of Alexander gives a 
striking proof, how little is to be expected from the 
violent mixture of nations, when that union is pur- 
chased by all that is national in them severally. 

Heyne opum regni Macedonici auctarum, attritarum et 
eversarum, causae probabiles ; in Opusc. T. IV. The col- 
lection contains several other tracts on Grecian and Mace- 
iloniaa liistory, which caaagt all be separately cited. 



238 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 



THIRD PERIOD. 

History of the several kingdoms and states, which 
arose out of the division of the JUacedonian 
monarchy, after the battle of Ipsiis. 

I. History of the Syrian kingdom under the 
Seleucidae. 312—64. 

Sources. Neither for the history of the Syrian, nor for 
that of the Egyptian and Macedonian kingdoms have we any 
leading writer, who is preserved entire. The fragments of 
the lost books of Diodorus, and from the times, when these 
kingdoms came into connection with Rome, those of Poly- 
bius, many accounts in Livy, and the Syriaca in Appian, 
together with some biographies of Plutarch, are the chief 
authorities ; and we have too frequently followed the abridge- 
ment of Justin. For the history of the Seleucidae, on 
account of their relations and wars with the Jews, Josephus 
in his Antiquities, as well as the books of the Maccabees 
are very important. Besides these sources the many coins 
of these kings, which have been preserved, are very impor- 
tant for their Genealogy and Chronology. 

Besides the universal history of Guthrie and Gray in tht 
German translation, the leading modern work is : 

Vaillant Imperium Seleucidarum sive historia reguri 
Syriae. 1631. 4to. The investigation is founded chiefly upoi 
coins. So too in : 

Frolich Annales rerum et regum Syriae. Viennae. 1754 

1. The kingdom of the Seleucidae was at fir* 
founded in Upper Asia by Seleucus Nicator. I 
was a large kingdom, of which the component 
parts were acquired by conquest, and therefore 
never received any internal consistency, except 
from the energy of its rulers. But this declined 



, III. PERIOD. SEPARATE KINGDOMS. 1. SELEUCIDAE. 239 

' with the founder ; and the removal of the royal 
residence from the banks of the Tigris to Syria, 
entangled it in all the quarrels of the western 
world ; and facilitated the revolt of the upper pro- 
vinces. Its history is naturally divided into the 
periods before and after the war with Rome ; but 
when that war broke out, its fall had already long 
been prepared. 

Seleucus in 321 received Babylon as a province, but after 
the defeat of Eumenes 315 he was obliged to fly, because 
he would not submit to the victor Antigonus. But his mild 
administration had made him so beloved, that after the victory 
of Ptolemy over Demetrius at Gaza 312, he could venture 
with a weak train to return to Babylon. In this year the 
kingdom of the Seleucidae takes its beginning. 

2. Whilst Antigonus was employed in Asia Mi- 
nor, Seleucus in the following ten years extends 
his dominion over all Upper Asia, and with ease, 
the more Antigonus had made himself hated 
there for his severity. After the victory over ^'^* 
Nicanor of Media, almost everything in that quar- 
ter declared of itself in his favor, and after 

the unsuccessful expedition of Demetrius, ^^^' 
Antigonus himself no longer ventured to assert 
his claims. In 307 Seleucus found himself in pos- 
session of all the countries between the Euphrates, 
Indus and Oxus. 

3. Grand Indian expedition of Seleucus 
against the king Sandrocottus. He advanced to ^°^' 
the Ganges, and the intimate connection, into which 
he entered with Sandrocottus, was afterwards con- 
tmued and maintained by ambassadors. The great 
multitude of elephants, which he brought back witjh 



240 FOURTH DIVISION. IV^IACEDONIAN MONaRGHY. 

him, werp not the greatest advantage, derived from 
this expedition ; the restoration of the connection 
"with India aj)pears to have continued ever after. 
4. By the battle of Ipsus Seleucus imme- 
diately acquired the greatest part of the 
lands of Antigonus, Syria, Cappadocia, Mesopota- 
mia and Armenia; and Syria was unfortunately 
from that time made the chief province of the 
kingdom, (yet Coelosyria and Phenicia remained 
in the hands of Ptolemy). How different a course 
Would the history of the Seleucidae have taken, 
if Seleucia on the Tigris had remained their place 
of residence, and the Euphrates had remained 
their boundary ? 

5. Mutual relations are now formed among the 
kings, who compose as it were a system of states, 
in which there is a visible effort for the preserva- 
tion of a. balance of power, partly by alliances, 
partly by marriages. 

Seleucus forms a connection with Demetrius Poliorcetes. 
by marrying his daughter, the beautiful Stratonice, to pre- 
serve the equilibrium against the allied Ptolemy and Lysi- 
machus, as Lysimachus and his son Agathocles had connect- 
ed themselves with two daughters of Ptolemy. 

301 to 6. The eighteen years of repose, which 
283. Asia enjoyed after the battle of Ipsus, shows 
that Seleucus was one of the few successors of 
Alexander, who had a taste for the arts of peace. 
The bloom of many of the cities, which he either 
actually built anew, or beautified, among which i 
the new capital Antiochia in Syria and the double 
Seleucia on the Tigris and the Orontes are the 
most important, was especially a fruit of the res- 



III. PERIOD. SEPARATE KINGDOMS. I. SELEUCIDAE. 24 J 

toration of the commerce with the eastern coun- 
tries, to which commerce new roads on the chief 
rivers of Asia, especially the Oxus, seem to have 
been opened. 

7- The internal organization of the kingdom 
was according to satrapies, of which there were 
72. But the maxim of Alexander, to give the 
satrapies to natives, was entirely disregarded by 
his successors ; of whicli the Seleucidae soon felt 
the effects. Lender a prince like Seleucus, no 
kingdom could easily fall asunder; but he even 
anticipated such an event by ceding Upper 
Asia together with his wife Stratonice to his 
son Antiochus ; yet not without the previous con- 
sent of the army. 

8. The war with Lysimachus was occasioned 
by ancient jealousy, and broke out in consequence 
of family quarrels. The battle at Curupedion 
cost Lysimachus his throne and life, and Asia 
Minor became a part of the Syrian kingdom. 
But as Seleucus passed over into Europe, to take 
Macedonia, he was assassinated by Ptolemy Ce- 
raunus, and with him the splendor of his em- 

. 281. 

pire may be said to have declined. 

9. The reign of his son Antiochus I. Soter ssi to 
appeared, it is true, thus far to be unfortu- ^^^' 
nate, as the kingdom on the whole preserved 
its extent ; but in a state founded by conquest, it 
is the sure forerunner of a speedy decline, if, as 

^ was here the case, the attempts to make new con- 
«(uests are unsuccessful. — The more that in such a 
state every thing depends on the personal charac- 
31 



242 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 

ter of the ruler, the sooner must the degeneracy 
of a family like that of the Seleucidae be per- 
ceptible ! 

The first conquests of his father in Asia Minor precipitated 
Antiochus into new wars, ahhough he resigned his claims to 
Macedonia by the marriage of his step-daughter Phila with 
Antigonus Gonatas 277. — Unsuccessful attempts to subject 
Bithynia 279, the king of which, Nicomedes, calls to his 
assistance the Galli, who had invaded Macedonia, (see below), 
and gives them residences in Galatia 277, which they are 
able to maintain even after the victory of Antiochus over 
them 275, and from this time become important by taking 
part in the wars as mercenaries. — So too the newly-establish- 
ed kingdom of Pergamus flourished, in spite of the attack of 
Antiochus 263, at the expense of the Syrian kingdom ; and 
the invasion of Egypt, to support the rebel Magas, was 
frustrated in advance by Ptolemy IL 264. 
262 to 10. Antiochus II. Theos. His reign was 
^'*^; one of women ; and the internal weakness of 
his kingdom was manifest from the secession of 
several of the eastern provinces, out of which the 
Parthian and Bactrian kingdoms were formed. 
The boundless luxury of the court promoted the 
degeneration of the ruling family, which, once on 
the decline, if from no other reason from constantly 
marrying in itself, could scarcely recover. 

His step-sister and wife Laodice exercises influence, as 
also his sister Apame, the widow of Magas, who entangled 
him in a war with Ptolemy II., to establish her claims on 
Cyrene, which war was ended, after the repudiation of Lao- 
dice, by a marriage with Berenice, the daughter of Ptolemy, 
260 — 252. But when lie, after the death of Ptolemy 247, 
exchanged Berenice for Laodice again, the latter poisoned 
him from distrust. — The separation of Parthia was effected 
by driving away the Macedonian governor, Arsaces, who 



- ill. PERIOD. SEPARATE KINGDOMS. I. SELEUCIDAE. 243 

founded the house of the Arsacidae ; that of Parthia on the 
contraiy was brought about by the Macedonian governor, 
Theodotus himself, who made himself independent. (Of both 
kingdoms see below). Yet these kingdoms originally embrac- 
ed, the former a part of Parthia, the latter Bactria and per- 
haps also Sogdiana, but both were soon enlarged at the ex- 
pense of the Seleucidae. 

11. Seleucus II. Callinicus. His twentj- 547(0 
j^ears' reign is an unbroken series of wars, in ^^''^ 
which the enfeebled kingdom was involved partly 
by the hatred of Laodice and Berenice with Egypt, 
partly b}^ the jealousy of his brother Antiochus 
Hierax, partly by his unsuccessful efforts to reco- 
ver the upper provinces. 

The murder of Berenice occasioned a most unsuccessful 
war with Ptolemy Evergetes of Egypt 247 — 244. The 
assistance, which Seleucus seeks of his younger brother 
Antiochus, the governor of Asia Minor, forces Ptolemy to a 
truce 243, but a war follows between the two brothers, in 
which Antiochus, at first victorious, is soon conquered 243 
— 240, and during which Eumenesof Pergamus enlarges his 
dominions very much, at the expense of Syria 242. — His 
first expedition against Arsaces, who had formed an alliance 
with the Bactrian king, ended in a defeat 238, which the 
Parthians consider as the true epoch of the foundation of 
their kingdom ; and on the second expedition 236, he him- 
self fell as a prisoner into the hands of the Parthians, where 
he long remained, perhaps till his death 227. 

12. His elder son Seleucus III. Ceraunus, 

227 

was very soon, on an expedition against king 
Attains of Pergamus, destroyed by poison. 224- 
But Achaeus, the son of his mother's brother, con- 
firmed the sovereignty of the Seleucidae in Asia 
Minor, and also preserved the crown for the 
younger brother Antiochus, governor of Babylon. 



218. 



244 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCHi. 

224 to 13. The long reign of Antiochiis III. the 
^^'^ Great, is not only the most crowded with 
action in the Syrian history, but also forms an 
epoch on account of the relations, into which S} ria 
now comes with Rome. — In a series of such 
princes it was pretty easy to get the surname of 
Great. 

14. Hermias the Carian acquiring great power 
and soon becoming dauiierous to the young 
king, the latter gets rid of him by assassination, m 
— The great insurrection, which the brothers Molo 
and Alexander, Satraps of Media and Persia, ex- 
cited, probably in understanding with Hermias, 
threatened the king with the loss of all the upper 
provinces, but ended with the overthrow of Molo, 
as Hermias was at last unable to prevent the 

220. . . . . 

king from marching against him m person. 
15. The arts of Hermias drive Achaeus in 

220 

Asia Minor to a rebellion, but Antiochus held 
it more important, to execute his early plan of 
driving the Ptolemies from their possessions in 
Syria, which, much as it at first seemed to 
2^^ succeed, was finally frustrated by the battle at 
Raphia. — But Antiochus, in connection with 
216. Attalus of Pergamus, conquered Achaeus, who, 
shutting himself up in the fortress of Sardes, 
215- fell into the hands of Antiochus by treachery. 
214 to 16. A great military expedition of Antio- 
^^^" chus into the upper provinces is occasioned 
by the seizure of Media by Arsaces III. — The con- 
test with Arsaces ended by a compromise, by 
which he ceded to him Parthia and Hyrcania 
in form ; and on the other hand received of Arsa- 



HI. PERIOD. SEPARATE KINGDOMS. L SElEUCIDAE. 245^ 

ees promises of assistance against Bactria. — But 
the war against Bactria was likewise followed by 
a peace, bv the terms of which the Bactrian 

' 206. 

king Euthydemus retains his crown and his 
lands. — The expedition, which Antiochus after 
this, accompanied by Demetrius of Bactria, under- 
took against India, probably extended far into the 
interior, and had for this land important conse- 
quences. (See below the history of Bactria). Yet 
in consequence of these great expeditions the do- 
minion of the Seleucidae was re-established in 
Upper Asia, except in the countries, which were 
now formally resigned. 

On the return through Arachotus and Carmania, where he 
passed the winter, he also undertook a maritime expedition 
on the Persian Gulf, where Gerrlia, which retained its free- 
dom, appears as a flourishing commercial city. 

17. He renews his plan against Egypt after the 
death of Ptolemy Philopator, and formed an alliance 
with Philip of Macedonia, who at that time 

. ... . 203, 

made war in Asia. Antiochus, it is true, gained 
his point of becoming master of Coelosyria and 
Phenicia, the possessions of the Ptolemies in 
Syria, but by that very means he first fell into 
disputes with Rome, which afterwards became 203 to 
of such decisive importance for himself and ^^^' 
his successors. 

18. The king comes into greater collisions with 
Rome by the conquest of the greatest part of 
Asia Minor and the Thracian Chersone- 

195. 

sus, especially as Hannibal fled to him for 
refuge, and the probability became great of an ex- 
tensive union against Rome, which after the con- 



4f9 



246 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCH^. 

quest of Carthage 201, or of Macedonia 197, knew 
how to win Greece by the magic word of Liberty. 
But Antiochus spoilt everything, for instead of at- 
tacking the Romans in their own territory, accord- 
ing to the advice of Hannibal, he made prepara- 
tions for a defence, and was attacked by thera in 
Asia. The defeat at Magnesia on the Sipvlus 

190. . K 

compelled him to accept the conditions 
which Rome dictated to him, and the power of the 
Syrian kingdom was broken forever. 

The history of the war see helow in the Roman history. 

19. According to the conditions of the peace 
Antiochus was obliged, 1. to evacuate the whole 
of Asia Minor (Asia cis Taurum). 2. He paid 
15000 talents, and to Eumenes of Pergamus 400. 
3. Hannibal and some others were to be delivered 
up, and Antiochus, the king's younger son, to be 
given as a hostage. — This peace was far less in- 
jurious to the Syrian king by the loss of territory, 
than by the use which the Romans made of it. 
For they, giving part of the lands thus ceded to 
the kings of Pergamus, thus created for their 
enemy a rival power, which could always be 
used according to pleasure against the Syrian 
kings.- — By stipulating, that the promised sum 
should be paid at different periods in twelve years, 
Rome provided for continuing to keep Syria for 
the present in a state of dependence. 

20. The king is murdered 187. The reign of 
187 to his elder son Seleucus IV. Philopator is peace- 
'^^^' ful from weakness. — Once indeed he drew the 
sword to support Pharnaces, king of Pontus, againsj 



HI. PERIOD. SEPARAfte KINGDOINIS. I. 9ELEUCIDAE. 24t 

Eumenes ; but sheathed it again through ^^^ 
fear of Rome. He exchanged his son for his ,, " 
brother in Rome, but fell a victim to the am- 
bition of his minister Heliodorus. 

21. Antiochus IV., Epiphanes. Educated neio 
in Rome, he sought to unite Roman popu- ^^^' 
lar manners with Syrian luxury ; and thus made 
himself universally hated and contemptible. We 
are too little acquainted with his history to de- 
cide, whether much of the evil that is said of him 
is not exaggerated, especially in the Jewish ac- 
counts. At least we cannot but perceive in him 
amidst all his vices some good dispositions. 

22. The war with Egypt is occasioned by the ^^^ ^^ 
claims of Philopator to Coelosyria and Pales- ^s^- 
tine. Dark as are some points in the history of 
this war, it is yet clear, that Antiochus conducted 
it victoriously, and would have become master of 
Egypt, if Rome had not interfered. 

The pretence for war on the Egyptian side was, that those 
provinces had beea promised by Antiochus 111 as the dowry 
of Cleopatra, (sister of Antiochus and mother of Philome- 
tor) ; Antiochus Epiphanes on the contrary laid claim as it 
seems to the regency in Egypt as uncle to the young king, 
who was however soon declared of age. — War breaks out 
and Antiochus gains a victory at Pelusium, after which 
Cyprus is betrayed into his hands. — By fortifying Pelusium, 
he intended to secure to himself the possession of Coelosy- 
ria, and render the future invasion of Egypt easy. — Another 
victory is won 170, and Egypt is taken as far as Alexandria. 
Philometor, who had been chased by a revolt from Alexan- 
dria, where his brother Physcon was placed on the throne, 
falls into the hands of Antiochus, who closes with him a 
peace, favorable to himself, and in return promises him aa- 



248 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 

sistance against Physcon.— The siege of Alexandria follows 
169 ; but without eftect. After his retreat Physcon closes 
for himself a separate peace with his brother, according to 
which both are to rule in common, and he is received in 
Alexandria. The embittered Antiochus now declares war 
against both brothers, who sought help in Rome, and invades 
Egypt again in 168, where however the Roman ambassador' 
Popillius spoke in so bold a tone, that peace has to be pur- 
chased by delivering up Cyprus and Pelusium. 

23. The religious intolerance of E])iphanes, 
which led him to desire to introduce the Greek 
worship among the nations of his kingdom, is the 
more remarkable as it was uncommon in that age. 
It seems to have had its cause in the love of splen- 
dor, and at the same time in the avarice of the 
king, as he could in this way most easily gain pos- 
session of the treasures of the temples, which 
since the defeat of his father Rome had 
^^^' ceased to spare. The revolt of the Jews, 
which was then occasioned, under the Maccabees, 
laid the foundation to the subsequent indepen- 
dence of the nation ; and weakened not a little the 
Syrian kingdom. 

The history of this revolt will be found below in the Jew- 
ish history. The deep ruin of the finances of the Seleuci- 
dae, which became so evident since the last years of Antio-j 
chus the Great, may be sufficiently explained partly from' 
the increased voluptuousness of the kings, while their reve- 
nues were declining, partly from the great presents, which, 
beside the tribute it was necessary to send to Rome, in ordei 
to inaintain a party there. 

24. His expedition to Upper Asia, especially 
Persis, where in consequence of the introductioi 
of the Grecian worship great commotions hac 



i,U. PERIOD. SEPARATE KINGDOMS. I. SEJLElJCIDAE. 249 

arisen, had for its object the plundering of tem- 
ples, as well as the recovery of Armenia. He 
died however, on the journey to Babylon. 

25. As Demetrius, the rightful heir to the 164 to 
throne, was detained as a hostage at Rome, ^^|* 
Antiochus V. Eupator, son of Epiphanes, a child 
of nine years, succeeded. During his short reign 
the empire of the Seleucidae, by the dissensions 
of his guardians, the despotism of the Romans, 
the continuing wars with the Jews, and the new 
and great conquests of the Parthians, became 
an enfeebled kingdom. 

A contest arises between Lysias, the regent, in the absence 
of Epiphanes, and Philip, whom the king before his death had 
appointed guardian, and ends with the overthrow of Philip 
162. — The young Eupator is acknowledged in Rome, that 
the guardianship may be assumed by the senaie, which ad- 
ministers it by a commission, sent for the purpose, and leaves 
the king utterly defenceless ; though the leader of the em- 
bassy, Octavius, was murdered, probably at the instigation of 
Lyj^ias. — Whilst the Parthian king Mithridates I. begins his 
great conquests at the expense of the Syrian empire in 
Upper Asia, Demetrius secretly escapes from Rome, and gains 
possession of the throne, causing Eupator and Lysias to be 
executed 161. 

26. Demetrius I. Soter. He succeeds in ^q-^^^ 
making himself recognized by Rome ; on ^^o. 
which all depended. The attempts at enlarging 
his power by supporting Orofernes, a pretender 
to the crown of Cappadocia, against the king Aria- 
rathes, had their origin partly in family relations, 
but still more, as indeed almost all political nego- 
tiations of the times, in bribery. He thus only 

32 



250 FOURTH DIVISION. MAOEDONIAlS MONARCH i*. 

drew upon himself the liostility of the kings of 
Pergaraus and Egypt, and as he was moreover 
hated by his own subjects for his riotous living, 
the shameless usurpation of Alexander Balas, 
occasioned by the banished governor of Baby- 
lon, Heraclidas, a favorite of Epiphanes, could 
hardly fail of success, especially as he was assisted 
by the more shameless conduct of the Roman 
senate, which acknowledged him. The Syrian 
kingdom had then sunk so low, that both the king 
and the usurper had to court the assistance of the 
Jews under Jonathan, who till now had been treated 
as rebels. In the second battle Demetrius lost his 
life. 

150 to 27. The Usurper Alexander Balas endea- 
145. yQj.g tQ confirm bis authority by marrying 
Cleopatra, the daughter of Ptolemaeus Philome- 
tor ; but soon shows himself even more unworthy 
of the throne than his predecessor. As he leaves 
the government to his favorite, the hated Ammo- 
nios, the eldest son of Demetrius not only suc- 
ceeds in assembling a party against him, but in 
exciting Philometor to join his side and give to 
him for his wife Cleopatra, whom he takes from 
Balas. The consequence of this union with Egypt 
was the expulsion and fall of Balas, although 
the battle cost Philometor his life. 

The account, that Philometor wished to conquer Syria for 
himself, is probably to be explained, that he designed to re- 
tain Coelosyria and Phenicia, the old possessions of Egypt. 
— Why else did he give his daughter to another pretender 
to the crown .'* 



UI. PEtllOD. SEPARATE ItlNGDOMS. I. SELEUCIDAE. 251 

28. Demetrius II., Nicator, 145 — 141 and ^43^0 
for the second time 130 — 126. Whilst he 126. 
embittered the hired troops of his father by dis- 
missing them, the severity of his favorite Lasthe- 
nes occasions in the chief city a revolt, which it 
required the assistance of the Jews under Jona- 
than, their high priest and leader, to quell. — 
Under these circumstances a partisan of Ba- 

las, Diodotus, afterwards called Tryphon, excited 
an insurrection, and at first putting forward Antio- 
chus, the son of Balas, and with the assis- 

144 

tance of Jonathan, actually placing him in 
Antiochia on the throne, he soon removed him 

143. 

by murder, having first made Jonathan his 
prisoner by treacher}^ and himself assumed 
the crown. — Notwithstanding Demetrius main- 
tains himself in only a part of Syria, he is yet able 
to follow the invitation of the Grecian colonists in 
Upper Asia, to assist them against the Parthians, 
who had now extended their conquests to the 
Euphrates. — But victorious as he at first was, he 
soon became a prisoner of the Parthians, and ho to 
though treated as a king, he yet remained '^^• 
ten years in this captivity. 

29. To maintain herself against Tryphon, Cleo- 
patra marries the younger and better brother, An- 
tiochus of Sida, who conquers and slaj s Try- 
phon, at first in alliance with the Jews, whom 

he soon afterwards subjected. As master of Syria he 
undertakes an expedition against the Parthians, 
in which he is at first assisted by the subjects 
of the Parthians themselves, and is victorious, bat is 



252 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 

soon in his winter quarters, himself with his 

army, cut in pieces by these same allies. 
If the accounts of the monstrous luxury of his arnny are 
not exaggerated, they furnish the clearest evidence of the 
military despotism of that period. By incessant pillaging 
and extortion the wealth of the countries had come into the 
hands of the soldiers ; and the condition of Syria resembled 
perhaps that of Egypt under the Marmeluke Sultans. 
130 to 30. Demetrius, who had meantime escaped 
^^^' from captivity, again takes possession of the 
throne. But as he grew still more haughty than 
before, and took part in the dissensions of Egypt, 
Ptolemaeus Physcon opposes to him a rival in 
Alexander Zebinas, a pretended son of Alexander 

Belas, by whom he was defeated and lost his 

life. 
The Parthian king Phraates II. had at first sent Deme- 
trius, to whom his sister Rhodogune was married, from his 
captivity to Syria, that he might force Antiochus to retreat. 
When Antiochus subsequently fell, the Parthian would have 
very gladly overtaken Demetrius ; but he escaped. 
126 to 31. The following history of the Seleuci- 
^^' dae is a picture of civil wars, family quar- 
rels, and deeds of horror, to which a counterpart 
can hardly be found. The empire now extended 
no further than to the Euphrates, as all Upper Asia 
obeyed the Parthians. And as the Jews too were 
entirely independent, it was limited to Syria Proper 
and Phenicia. The decline was so deep, that even 
the Romans seem for a long time not to have cared 
for it ; partly because not much was to be gained 
there, partly because it seemed the safest course, 
to let the Seleucidae mutually waste each other's 
strength, till finally, after terminating the last war 



yi, PERIOD. SEPARATE KINGDOMS. I. SELEUCIDAE. 23.3 

,witFi Mithridates the Great, the Romans were 
pleased formalJy to make of it a Rom^n 
province. 

War between Alexander Zebina and the ambitious Cleo- 
patra, the widow of Demetrius, who with her own hand 
murdered her son Seleucus 125 for assuming the crown, 
and ti)en gave it to her younger son Antiochus Grypus ; who, 
however, soon saw himself compelled to rescue his own life 
by murdering his mother 122 ; after Alexander Zebina 
had 123 been defeated and executed. — After a peaceful 
reign of eight years 122 — 114, Antiochus Grypus becomes 
entangled in a war with his half-brother Antiochus of 
Cyzicus, (son of Cleopatra by Antiochus Sideies,) and this 
war terminates 111 in a division. Yet the fraternal war 
soon began anew, and while the miserable kingdom seemed 
on the point of falling asunder, Grypus was murdered 97. — 
As Seleucus, the eldest of his five sons, defeated and killed 
Cyzicenus 96, the war continued between his son Antiochus 
Eusebes, and the sons of Grypus ; and as Eusebes was 
finally driven out 90, the remaining sons of Grypus made 
war on one another, till the Syrians, tired of bloodshed, 
finally did, what they should have done much sooner, and 
committed the government to another king, Tigranes of Ar- 
menia 85. Yet Selene, the widow of Eusebes, retained 
Ptolemais till 70, whose elder son Antiochus Asiaticus, 
when Tigranes was defeated by Lucullus in the Mithridatic 
war, possessed himself of some provinces of Syria 68 ; 
which, however, after the entire defeat of Mithridates, were 
taken from him by Pompey, and all Syria, which Tigranes 
was obliged to give up, was made a Roman province 64. 
Soon after with Antiochus Asiaticus, who died 58, and his 
brother Seleucus Cybiosactes, who by his marriage with 
Berenice had been raised to the Egyptian throne, but was 
murdered at her command 57, the house of the Seleucidae 
was extinguished. 



254 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 



i 



II. History of the Egyptian Kingdom under the 
Ptolemies. 323 —30. 

The sources of this history are much the same as those 
mentioned above p. 238 in the preceding chapter ; yet un- 
fortunately still more insufficient, partly because less is here 
to be found in the Jewish writers ; and partly because the 
coins of the Ptolemies afford no so secure guide in Chrono- 
logy, in as much as no established era is followed, but only 
the year of the kings' reign is in each case marked upon 
them. On several occasions inscriptions furnish important 
illustrations. 

By moderns the history of the Ptolemies has been almost 
always treated merely chronogically, but by no means in the 
spirit it deserves. Beside the general works, mentioned (p. 
2), we cite : 

Vaillant Historia Ptolemaeorum. Amstelod. 1701. fol. 
Explanation by help of coins. 

Annales des Lagides, ou Chronologic des Rois d'Egypte, 
successors d'Alexandre le Grand, par M. Champollion Fi- 
geac, II. voll. Paris. 1819. This work, to which a prize 
was awarded by the Academy of Inscriptions, does not ex- 
haust the subject ; see the Examen Critique de I'ouvrage de 
M. J. Saint Martin. Paris. 1820. 

1. Egypt under the Ptolemies became all, and 
perhaps more, than lay in the plan of Alexander ; 
not only a powerful kingdom, but also at the same 
time the chief seat of the commerce of the wprld 
■0 and of the sciences. But the history of Egypt is 
hardly more than the history of the new capital 
Alexandria ; by the building of which a change in 
the national character was imperceptibly introduc- 
ed, such as never could have been effected by vio- 



in. PERIOD. SEPARATE KINGDOMS. II. PTOLEMIES. 255 

lence. In the conscious feeling of its prosperity, 
and of the religious freedom, conceded to it, the 
nation sinks into a political apathy, which could 
hardly have been expected of the nation, which 
had so often raised the banner of revolt against 
the Persians. 

Alexandria was, in its origin, a military colony j but there 
was soon a concourse of nations there, such as was to be 
seen in no other city of the world at that time. The inha- 
bitants were divided into three classes : Egyptians, Alexan- 
drians, (i. c. foreigners of all kinds, who had established 
themselves there, of whom next to the Greeks the Jews seena 
to have been the most numerous ;) and the mercenary troops, 
in the employment of the kings. The more important 
Alexandria is in so many respects for history, the more must 
we regret, that our accounts respecting it are so unsatisfacto- 
ry ! On the site of ancient Alexandria : 

Bonamy description de la ville d'Alexandrie contained in 
Memoires de FAcad. d. Inscript. Vol. IX. Compare J. L. 
F.'Manso's letters on ancient Alexandria in his : Vermischte 
Schriften B. I. 

2. Ptolemaeus I. Soter, the son of Lagus, 223 ^^ 
received Egypt on the first division after Alex- ^84* 
ander's death. He knew the value of this posses- 
sion, and, alone of the successors of Alexander, 
had moderation enough, not to grasp at everything. 
Yet chiefly by the ambition of the other princes he 
was involved in their quarrels, in which however 
he took part so cautiously, that Egypt itself 
remained in security. Twice attacked in this 
land, by Perdiccas, and by Antigonus and 
Demetrius, he took good advantage of his fa- 
vorable situation for his defence, and during this 
period he added, of countries out of Africa. Phe- 



256 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 

nicia, Judaea and Coelosyria, together with Cyprus 
to his possessions. 

The country of Phenicia and Coelosyria was essential to , 
Egypt as a maritime power on account of its forests. It iPj 
often changed its possessors. The first conquest was made 
320, soon after the defeat of Perdiccas, by Ptolemy's gene- 
ral, Nicanor, who takes the Syrian satrap Laomedon captive, 
and gains possession of all Syria and the Phenician cities, 
which he garrisons. But 314, it is again lost to Antigonus 
after bis return from Upper Asia, and the siege of Tyre- 
When afterwards 312, Ptolemy defeats Demetrius at Gaza, 1 
he again acquires possession of these lands, but evacuate? J 
them immediately on the approach of Antigonus, who re- j 
tains them by the peace 311. On closing the last great .; 
alliance against Antigonus 303, Ptolemy occupies them "I 
again, but on the false report of a victory of Antigonus re- 
treats again to Egypt, yet leaves the city garrisoned. There- 
fore after the battle of Ipsus 301, he remains in possession 
of those lands ; and they are retained by the Ptolemies, till 
they are wrested from them by the second attack of Antio- 
chus Magnus 203. 

Cyprus, (p. 156) like most of the other islands, remained 
in dependence on the power, possessing the dominion of the 
sea ; and therefore, after the Ptolemies obtained that do- 
minion, could not be taken from them. Ptolemy made him- . 
self master of Cyprus 313. Yet in the several cities the 
kings remained, of whom Nicocles of Paphus, entering into* 
secret connections with Antigonus, met his death 310. But 
after the great naval battle 307, Cyprus again fell hito the 
hands of Antigonus and Demetrius. After the battle at 
Ipsus 301, it at first remained in the power of Demetrius, 
but as he went on an expedition against Macedonia, Ptolemy 
found an opportunity 294, of taking it once more, and from 
that time it remained with Egypt. — It was by their naval 
power, that the Egyptian kings often played the part of mas- 
ters in the countries on the coast of Asia Minor, especially 



ill. PERIOD. SEPARATE KINGDOMS. II. PTOLEMIES. 257 

ill Cilicia, Caria and Pamphylia, which seem to have wholly 
belonged to them under the second Ptolemy. But it is not 
always possible, to say exactly, what their possessions were 
in that quarter. 

3. Within Africa Ptolemy extended his ter- 

321. 

ritorj by the conquest of Cyrene ; by means 
of which the neighboring Lybia, or the lands be- 
tween Cyrene and Egypt, also came under his 
sway. Probabl}' even as early as his reign a part 
of Ethiopia was added to the Egyptian kingdom, 
but no exact accounts to this effect have come 
down to us. 

The seizure of Cyrene was occasioned by internal com- 
motions, while Cyrene was besieged by Thimbron, a part of 
the exiled party of the magnates having fled to Ptolemy, who 
had them restored by his general Ophelias, who gained pos- 
session of Cyrene 321. A revolt, which arose 312, was 
quelled by Agis, the general of Ptolemy. But Ophelias 
himself had, as it seems, made himself as good as indepen- 
dent, but lost his life through the treachery of Agathocles 
308, with whom he had joined in an alliance against Car- 
thage. Upon this Cyrene was again seized by Ptolemy, 
and given to his step-son Magas, who governed it for fifty 
years. 

4. We have but an imperfect knowledge of the 
constitution of Eg3'pt. The division into districts 
or nomos continued, though it may have suffered 
alterations in particular parts. The royal author- 
ity seems to have been unlimited ; the foreign 
provinces were governed by regents, whom the 
kings appointed ; similar governors were probably 
set over the several districts of Egypt ; but of the 
organization of the government in Egypt almost 

33 



258 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY, 

no account has been preserved. The high officei 
of state, at least in the royal residence, appear to 
have been filled exclusively by Macedonians or 
Grecians ; no Egyptian is mentioned, as having 
participated in them. 

In Alexandria there were four magistrates of the higljest 
dignity : the Exegetes, whose duty it was to provide for the 
wants of the capita! ; the Supreme Judge; the Hypomnema- 
tographus, (keepers of the arcliives?) — and the superintendant 
of the police, whose care it was to preserve tranquillity by night. 
Strabo expressly says that these magistrates, whose offices 
continued under the Romans, had already existed under the 
kings ; though it cannot be proved, that they existed as early 
as under Ptolemaeus I. — The number of districts seems to 
have been increased ; perhaps the object was, to have no too 
powerful governors. 

5. Yet it is certain, that the ancient national con- 
stitution and administration were not m holly dis- 
carded. The caste of priests remained with their 
religion ; and if their influence was diminished, it 
was not annihilated. A sort of worship was paid 
to the kings during their life, as well as after their 
death, bj' a particular class of priests. Memphis, 
though not the usual residence of the kings, still 
continued the capital, where the coronation took 
place ; and the temple of Phtha in that place was 
the principal temple. What an influence the 
Egyptian religion exercised on the Grecian ! It is 
hard to say, which nation adopted most from the 
other ? 

6. Not the circumstance only, that Egypt was 
the first to rise out of the general ruin, but also 
the continuing tranquillity, which it enjoyed in its 
interior during the almost forty years' reign of 



ni. PERIOD. SEPARATE KINGDOMS. II. PTOLEMIES. 25^ 

Ptolemy I., whilst the rest of the world was deso- 
lated b}^ perpetual storms, must have raised it to 
prosperity even under a regent of inferior merit. 
But Ptolemy I. was exactlj^ the man to profit by 
the conjuncture. A warrior, yet in a high degree 
cultivated, and even himself a writer, he had a 
taste for a!l the arts of peace, and promoted them 
with royal liberality ; and in the midst of the 
splendor, which surrounded the throne on occa- 
sions of public solemnity, he led himself the life 
of a private man. 

Alexandria is increased by colonists who are conducted 
there ; especially Jews. — A multitude of splendid buildings 
is raised, especially the Serapeum. — Means are taken to pro- 
mote commerce and navigation. — A double harbor on the 
sea and the lake Mareotis. — The Pharus is built. 

7. But most of all, his love of the sciences dis- 
tinguished him above his contemporaries. The 
establishment of the Museum was an idea, sug- 
gested by the wants of the age, and adapted to 
the monarchical forms, now prevalent. Where 
in those times of destruction and revolution could 
the sciences and literature have found a place of 
refuge, except under the shelter of a prince ? But 
they found more, a point of union. Thus the se- 
vere sciences could here receive their develope- 
ment ; and although the awakened criticism could 
not create a Homer and a Sophocles, yet without 
the Alexandrians would a Homer or a Sophocles 
have remained to us ? 

The Museum (a learned Academy) was founded, and th« 
first library in Bruchium (that in the Serapeum is of later 
origin) ; probably under the direction of Demetrius Pha- 



260 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 

Jereus. We yet have no just estimate of the merits of the 
Museum. But what Academy of modern Europe has ac- 
complished more .'' 

284 to ^' Ptolemaeus II., Ph-ladelphus, son of 
^46. the second wife of his father, Berenice, 
reic^ned jointly with his father from 286. His 
thirty-eight years' reign was still nriore tranquil than 
that of his father, whose spirit rested on him, ex- 
cept that he was no warrior. But the arts of 
peace, commerce and the sciences were advanced 
by him with the greatest zeal. Egypt became 
under him the first maritime power, and one of 
the first on land ; and be it, that Theocritus' as- 
sertion of the 33,000 cities which obeyed him is 
but the assertion of a poet ; yet Egypt was cer- 
tainly at that time the most flourishing country 
in the world. 

The commerce of Alexandria had three principal bran- 
ches. 1. The commerce by land through Asia and Africa. 
2. The commerce on the Mediterranean sea. 3. The 
commerce on the Arabian Gulf or Indian Sea. — The 
Asiatic commerce by land, especially that carried on by the 
Indian caravans, Alexandria was obliged to share with seve- 
ral other cities and countries ; partly as a chief road, which 
it took, led over the Oxus and the Caspian Sea to the 
Black Sea ; and partly the caravans, which came through 
Syria and Mesopotamia, were extended among the seaports 
of Phenicia and Asia Minor. — The commerce with the in- 
terior Africa, as well towards the West as the South, was 
very extensive. In the West it was secured to Alexandria 
by the close connection with Cyrene, and the roads, which 
it followed, remained doubtless the same as in earlier times ; 
but miich more important was the commerce to the South- 
ern countries, or to Ethiopia, of which the interior was now 
penetrated j especially on account of the taking of elephants. 



III. PERIOD. SEPARATE KINGDOMS. II. PTOLEMIES. 261 

foi- which very great preparations were made. — The navi- 
gation on the Arabian Gulf and the Indian Sea had for its 
object the Ethiopian commerce ; the Indian less. — What 
Ptolemy did to promote it, consisted partly in harbors (Bere- 
nice, Myos Hormos) on the Arabian Gulf, partly in a road 
for caravans, which led from Berenice to Coptos on the 
Nile, on which the wares were transported further ; (for the 
Canal, which united the Arabian Sea and the Nile, though 
it perhaps may then have been completed, never was much 
used). The great depot was the smaller harbor of Alexan- 
dria, which was connected by a canal with the lake Mareo- 
tis, and this again by another with the Nile ; and hence the 
account, that this harbor was the fullest and the most lively 
is not surprising. — The commerce on the Mediterranean was 
at that time divided by Alexandria with Rhodes, Corinth and 
Carthage. Of the manufactures, those of cotton, which in 
part were established in or near the temples, seem to have 
been the most remarkable. 

J. C. D. de Schmidt Opuscula, res maxime Aegyptiorum 
illustrantia. 1765. 8vo. contain the best researches on the 
commerce of Alexandria. 

9. It would be very important in a state like 
Egypt to know the system of taxes, which under 
Philadelphus, besides the vast contributions of 
corn, amounted to 14800 talents, 12 millions of 
dollars. In the foreign provinces, as Palestine, 
they were collected, to the great oppression of the 
inhabitants, by farming them annually to the high- 
est bidders. In Egypt itself they seem to have 
been very different ; but the tolls constituted an 
important branch. 

10. The wars, which were conducted by Ptole- 
my II. were limited to the war with Sj^ia, (see 
above, p. 243), and a war with his half-brother 



262 FOURTH DIYISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 

Magas in Cyrene, by which the first also was oc- 
casioned. Fortunately for Egypt Ptolemy II. was 
a weakly prince, and his health did not permit him 
to lead his armies. — Under him reciprocal embas- 
sies laid the first foundation to the new relation to 
Rome, which was afterwards of such moment in 
Egyptian history. 

Magas, after the overthrow of Ophelias had received Cy- 
rene 308 ; his wife was Apame, the daughter of Antiochus 
I. ; he revolted 266, and wished himself to attack Egypt, 
but was compelled by an insurrection in Marmarica to re- 
treat, yet in 264, was able to induce his father-in-law to an 
invasion of Egypt, which however was frustrated by E*hila- 
delphus. Magas ended this contest, by an attempt to unite 
his daughter Berenice to the oldest son of Philadelphus. 
To prevent this Apame fled to her brother Antiochus II., 
whom, as Magas died 258, she induced to make war on 
Egypt, which war ended 252. — The embassy to Rome was 
occasioned by the victories of the Romans over Pyrrhus 
273, and was returned 272 by another embassy from the 
part of the Romans. 

J 1. But the simplicity, which had distinguished 
the private life of the father, was not inherited by 
the son ; and the voluptuousness which soon de- 
stroyed the family of the Ptolemies, as it did that 
of the Seleucidae, was introduced at court in his 
reign, as also the destructive custom of marriages 
within the family, which here contributed to its 
degeneracy still more than with the Seleucidae. 
Philadelphus after repudiating Arsinoe, the 
daughter of Lysimachus, married his own sis- 
ter, whose name was Arsinoe ; who, as long as she 
lived, exercised over him the greatest influence. 



III. PERIOB. SEPARATE KINGDOMS. H. PTOLEMIES. 263 

although she bore him no children, but adopted 
his sons by his first wife. 

12. Ptolemaeus III. Evergetes. Under 246 to 
him Egypt became from a commercial, a con- 221. 
quering state ; but notwithstanding his warlike 
propensities he too had the taste for the arts of 
peace, which belonged to the Ptolemies. His con- 
quests extended partly to Asia in the war with 
Seleucus II., and extended to the boundaries of 
Bactria; partly perhaps, (although this is doubt- 
ful), to the interior of Ethiopia, and the western 
coast of Arabia. The conquest of these opulent 
countries, which were already so well known by 
commerce, could not be long deferred, now that 
Egypt formed so powerful a kingdom ; although 
Egypt took no further advantage of them, than 
to promote the security of commerce, as it passed 
through them. 

The chief authority in the history of Ptolemy III. is the 
inscription on the Monument erected by him in Adule in 
Ethiopia, which contains a chronological list of his conquests, 
and of which Cosmas hidicopleustes has preserved a copy ; 
yet modern investigations have made it probable, that it con- 
sists of two inscriptions, of which the first only relates to 
Ptolemy, the other to a later king of Abyssinia. — Accord- 
ing to this inscription he inherited from his father besidee 
Egypt : Lybia, i. e. western Africa as far as Cyrene, Coe- 
losyria, Phenicia, Caria, Cyprus and the Cyclades. — War 
with Seleucus Callinicus on account of the murder of Be- 
renice (see above, p. 243) to the ten years' truce 246 — 240. 
During this war all Syria was conquered to the Euphrates ; 
and most of the countries on the coast of Asia Minor, from 
Cilicia to the Hellespont, which could not but easily be taken 
by a power, possessing the dominion of the sea. Whether 



264 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 

the conquest of the lands beyond the Euphrates, Mesopota- 
mia, Babylonia, Persia, Susiana and Meaia as far as Bac- 
tria, took place in these years, or not till between 240 and 
230, caiHiot be determined. From the booty, that was carried 
away, it must have been rather an incursion than a conquest, 
although he appointed governors in Cilicia and Babylonia ; 
and the condition of Asia at that time, when Seleucus sus- 
tained a war with his brother Antiochus Hierax, and the 
Parthian and Bactrian kingdom, but just established, was 
still weak, left few difficulties, 

The southern conquests (at least if they are to be attri- 
buted to him) were made during the last period of the reign 
of the king in a war by itself, different from the preceding. 
They embrace a. the larger part of the present Abyssinia ; 
(as the catalogue of nations began with Abyssinian nations, 
we must infer, that Nubia was already subject to Egypt) ; 
and partly and particularly the chain of mountains along the 
Arabian Gulf ; partly the plain of Sennaar, as far as the 
present Darfur ; partly the high mountainous chain to the 
South, above the sources of the Nile. — These conquests 
the king made in his own person ; and commercial roads 
from the distant lands to Egypt. On the other side h. the 
western coast of Arabia from Albus Pagus to the southern 
extremity of Arabia Felix were taken by his naval and mi- 
litary commanders ; and the security of the roads in this 
quarter was restored. 

Monumenturn Adulitanum, printed in Fabric. B. Gr. T. 
II. Montfaucon Coll. Patr. T. II. and in ChishuU Anti- 
quit. Asiaticae. The assertion, that the monument contains 
two different inscriptions, is copiously treated by the Eng- 
lishman Salt, in his accounts of his travels, in the Travels 
of Lord Valentia. 

13. It was a singular fortune, which Egypt en- 
joyed, of having had three great kings, whose 
reigns extended through a whole century. If a 



ai. PERIOD. SEPARATE KINGDOMS. II. PTOLEMIES. 265 

change now ensued, it came but in the natural 
course of events. How could the luxury, which 
made its way into a city, that was the chief seat of 
the commerce of the world, and the place of de- 
posit for the treasures of the richest countries, 
fail to subject the court to its influence ? 

14. Ptolemaeus IV. Philopator. A riotous ^21 to 
liver and a tyrant, he stood during the 204. 
greater part of his reign under the guardicinship 
of the crafty Sosjbius, after whose death he fell 
into the hands of the still more shameful Agatho- 
cles and his sister AgathocJea. As he was the 
contemporary of Antiochus the Great, the danger 
of such a reign for Egypt seemed doubly great ; 
but the unmerited victory at Raphia (see above, 
p. 244) saved from him his exposure. 

15. The guardiansliip of his son Ptolemaeus 204 to 
V. Epiphanes, vvas at first assumed by Agatho- '^^' 
cles and his sister ; but after the indignant people 
had exercised on them a fearful justice, it was com- 
mitted to the younger Sosibius and Tlepolemus. 
But the careless and extravagant administration of 
tlie latter soon occasioiied a division with his col- 
league, who at least knew how to observe external 
decency. Yet the unlucky condition, into which 
the kino-dora fell by the attack of the allied 

203. 

kinsjs of Syria and Macedonia, induced the 

Egyptians to look to Rome, and to commit 

"• " . 202. 

the guardianship to the Senate, which had 

thus far carefully maintained a friendly relation 

with Egypt. 

The regency during the minority is organized by M. Le- 

pidus 201, who entrusted the administration to Aristomenes 

34 



266 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 

of Acarnania. Of what importance this step was for Egypt 
ever after, the sequel will show. By the war of the Ro- 
mans with Philip and the disputes with Antiochus, Egypt 
was saved for the present from embarrassment, but it lost in 
198 its Syrian possessions, although Antiochus III. promised, 
to give them at some future day as a dowry to his daughter 
Cleopatra, as the bride of the young king of Egypt ; 
which marriage was afterwards actually solemnized. 

To this period, the year 197, belongs the celebrated in- 
scription of Rosetta, on the coronation of the king at Mem- 
phis, after his coming of age, erected by the priesthood as a 
monument of gratitude for benefits received ; an inscription, 
as important for the knowledge of the ancient Egyptian let- 
ters, as of political history. 

Ameilhon eclaircissements sur inscription Grecque du 
monument trouve a Rosette. Paris. IS03. 

Heyne Commentatio de inscriptione Graeca ex Aegypto 
Londinum apportata, in Commentat. Societ. Gotting. Vol. 
XV. 

16. The hopes, which had been excited by 
Ephiphanes, as he grew up, were but poorly ful- 
filled. His guardian Aristomenes fell as a 
victim of his tyranny, and his severity ex- 
cited rebellions even among the patient Egyp- 
tians, which, however, were quieted by his 
counsellor and general Polycrates. His reign falls 
in the period, when Rome broke the power of 
Macedonia and Syria ; and notwithstanding his 
near connection with Antiochus KI. Rome was 
still able to hold him in dependence ; but his ex- 
travagancies brought him to the grave in his eight 
and twentieth year. 

181 to 17. Of his two sons he is first succeeded 
^*^- by the elder Ptolemaeus VI. Philometor, a 



III. PERIOD. SEPARATE KINGDOMS. II. PTOLEMIES. 267 

boy of five years old, under the guardianship of 
the mother Cleopatra, who filled her office till 173 
to the general satisfaction. But when the guar- 
dianship after her death came into the hands of 
the eunuch Eulaeus, and of Lenaeus, these latter, 
by their claims on Coelosyria and Phenicia, began 
a war with Antiochus Epiphanes, the course 172 to 
of which was most disastrous for Egypt, till ^^^• 
Rome commanded peace. 

After Antiochus, having gained a victory at Pelusium 171, 
after Cyprus had been betrayed to him, made himself mas- 
ter of Egypt to the chief city, an ins"i« ection broke out in 
the capital, by which Philomctor was driven away, and his 
younger brother Physcon was placed on the throne 170. — 
The banished Pliilometor fell into the hands of Antiochus, 
who compelled him to a separate peace, on terms, very ad- 
vantageous to himseh'; this peace however Pliilometor did 
not keep, but secretly formed an agreement with his brother, 
that they both should reign jointly 169. As upon this An- 
tiochus invaded Egypt again, the two kings sought help partly 
of the' Achaians, partly of the Romans, who by an embassy 
commanded Antiochus to evacuate the lands of their allies, 
which was done 168. 

18. In the contest, which now arose between 
the two brothers, the younger is expelled and 
driven to Rome ; where they were pleased to make 
a division of the kingdom between the two, which 
however the Roman senate changed as it pleased, 
and by which the disputes between the two 
are renewed and maintained, till the younger 
is made captive by the elder. 

In the first division 1 64 Philometor received Egypt and 
Cyprus ; and the abominable Physcon, Gyrene and Lybia. 
But Physcon was able by his presence in Rome, contrary 



268 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 

to all justice, to get Cyprus assigned to him ; which Philo- 
metor however refuses to give up ; and as Cyrene revolted 
against him, he ran the risk of losing every thing. In the 
war, which he, supported by Rome, carried on against his 
brother, he fell 159 into his hands; who, however not only 
forgave him, but permitted him to retain Cyrene and Lybia, 
gave him some cities instead of Cyprus, and promised him 
his daughter in marriage. 

19. Durinsf the last period of his reign the 
Syrian affairs occupied Philometor almost exclu- 
sively. He supported Alexander Balas against 
Demetrius, and even gave him his daughter Cleo- 
patra. Yet he afterwards joined the side of the 
younger Demetrius, to whom he united his daugh- 
ter, having taken her from Balas, and placed him 
on the throne. But in the battle, which 

145. 

ruined Balas, he too was mortally wounded. 
He was one of the better princes in the series of 
the Ptolemies, at least in comparison with his 
brother. 

145 to 20. His 3^ounger brother, Ptolemaeus 
117. vni. Physcon, (or Evergetes H.) till now 
king of Cyrene, a moral and physical monster, got 
possession of the throne of Egypt by marrying 
the widow and sister of his brother, Cleopatra, 
whose son he murdered, and whom he afterwards 
repudiated for her daughter, the younger Cleopa- 
tra. He therefore re-united the divided kingdom ; 
but whilst he purchased the consent of Rome by 
flatteries, he asserted his authority in Alexandria 
by a military despotism, which soon changed the 
city into a desolated place, and compelled him to 
invite foreign colonists by great promises. But a 



lil. PERIOD. SEPARATE KINGDOMS. II. PTOLEMIES. 269 

second great massacre produced an insurrection 
in Alexandria, which compelled hitn to fly to 

. 130. 

Cyjsrus, while the Alexandrians raise the re- 
pudiated Cleopatra to the throne. But by the help 
of his mercenaries he again obtains possession, 
and preserves it till his death. 

That a tyrant of this sort was a friend of the sciences and 
himself a writer, is indeed extraordinary ; but in the method, 
in which he put manuscripts in requisition and in the manner 
in which he treated men of letters, whom he drove away by 
scores, the despot is not to be mistaken. 

21. Of his two sons the mother, the youn- ne to 
ger Cleopatra, was compelled, at the request ^^• 
of the Alexandrians, to raise to the throne the 
elder, Ptolemaeus IX. Lathurus, who lived in a 
sort of exile in Cyprus, upon which she gave 
Cyprus to the younger, her favorite, Ptole- 
maeus Alexander I. But as Lathurus would not 
^'ield to her in every thing, she compelled him 
to exchange Egypt for Cyprus, and gave the 
former to her younger son. But he too was not 
able to bear with her tyranny, and, as she was 
planning to take his life, saw no other means 
of escape, than to anticipate her, by which he 
was himself compelled to become a fugitive, and, 
after a vain attempt to recover the throne, lost 
his life. Meantime the Alexandrians raised 
Lathurus, the elder brother, again to the throne, 
and he reigned till the year 81, possessing at once 
Egypt and Cyprus. 

Revolt and three years' siege of Thebes in Upper 
Egypt, which even at that time was one of the richest cities ; 
but was almost utterly ruiaed on its being taken ; about 86. 



270 FOURTH DiyiSlON. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 

— Cyrenaica is entirely separated from Egypt, Ptolemaeus 
Physcon having left it as an independent kingdom to his illegi- 
timate son Apion 117; and he after a peaceful reign be- 
queathed it in his turn to the Romans 96. who, however, do 
not at first interfere with its independence. 

23. Lathurus left a legitimate daughter Bere- 
nice, and two illegitimate sons Ptoleraaeus of 
Cyprus, and Ptolemaeus Auletes. Besides these, 
there was a genuine son of Alexander I. of the 
same name, who at that time was in Rome with 
81 to the dictator Sulla. The immediately foUow- 
*^' ing history is not without obscurities, which 
cannot be full}- cleared up, owing to the contradic- 
tory nature of the accounts. In general, Egypt 
was now a ball in the hands of several powerful 
Romans, who considered it a financial speculation 
to support a pretender to the Egyptian throne, or 
to keep him at bay with hopes ; or even thought 
of making the country a province. Egypt was. 
ripe fruit, but they could not agree by whom it 
should be gathered. 

The first successor of Lathurus in Egypt was his legiti- 
mate daughter Cleopatra Berenice 81 ; but in six months, 
Sulla, the dictator of the time sent his client Alexander II. 
to Egypt 80, who married Berenice, and with her ascended 
the throne. But at the end of nineteen days he murdered 
her ; but, according to Appian, was about the same time 
himself killed by the Alexandrians on account of his tyranny. 
Nevertheless we still hear of a king Alexander, who reigned 
till 73, or according to others till 66, but, being at that time 
driven from Egypt, fled to Tyre, and begged at Rome for 
assistance, which he might soon, through Caesar's influence, 
have obtained, if he had not soon died at Tyre. It is said 
that he in a will bequeathed his kingdom to Rome, which the 



III. PERIOD. SEPARATE KINGDOMS. II. PTOLEMIES. 271 

senate did not assume ; but does not seem to have formally 
declined ; so that several attempts were made in Rome to 
gain possession. (Appian's account is, therefore, either false, 
and this was the same Alexander II., or it was another prince 
of the same name of the royal house.) Meantime since the 
death of Lathurus, the Egyptian kingdom had been rent in 
pieces by division, for the one of his illegitimate sons, Pto- 
lemy, had obtained Cyprus, which was however taken from 
him 57, and became a Roman province ; and the other, 
Ptolemaeus Auletes, seems to have had authority in some 
part of Egypt, or in Cyrene, and was probably the cause of 
the expulsion of Alexander, after whose death he came to 
the throne, although the queen Selene in Syria, sister of La- 
thurus, made an effort in Rome to obtain Egypt for her sons, 
as the legitimate descendants. Not till 59 did he succeed 
by means of Caesar in being formally recognized. But the 
decrees of Rome respecting CyprCis excited an insurrection 
in Alexandria 57, in consequence of which Auletes fled and 
went to Rome ; (if it was not rather the intrigues of the 
Roman magnates, who induced him to the step, in order to 
reinstate him.) — The attempts of Pompey to bring this about 
are defeated by Cato 56. Meantime the Alexandrians 
placed his eldest daughter Berenice on the throne, who at 
first married Seleucus Cybiosactes, as the rightful heir ; but 
after his execution was united to Archelaus 57. — Auletes 
was actually restored, Gabinius, the Roman governor of 
Syria, having been bribed for the purpose, and Berenice was 
executed, after her husband had fallen in war 54. But th« 
miserable prince, equally effeminate and tyrannical, died as 
early as 51. 

J. R. Foster Commentatio de successoribus Ptolemaei 
VII. in Commentationib. Soc. Getting. Vol. III. 

23. Ptolemy endeavored by a will to se- 5^3 
cure the kingdom to his children ; intending ^i. 
that Ptolemaeus Dionysius who was thirteen years 
old and Cleopatra who was seventeen should marry 



272 FOURTH BITISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY, 

each other, and naming them his successors imder 
the guardianship of the Roman people ; and com- 
mending the two younger, Ptolemaeus Neoteros 
and Arsinoe to the Roman senate. Yet Egvpt 
would not have escaped its fate twenty years 
longer, if the internal relations of Rome, and still 
more the charms and policy of Cleopatra, had not 
47 to delayed it. Whilst she by her connection 
^^' with Caesar, and with Antony, retained her 
41 to kingdom and even enlarged it, the history of 
^^' Egypt now becomes most intimately coii' 
nected with Roman history. 

Contests between Cleopatra and her brother, excited and 
supported by the eunuch Pothinus, who was at the head of 
the administration ; and these, after the expulsion of Cleo- 
patra, who fled to SyHa and enlisted troops, degenerate into 
a formal war, when Caesar, after conquering Pompey, pur- 
suing him, came to Alexandria, and in the name of Rome, 
appeared as arbitrator between the two, but allowed himself 
to be won by the cunning of Cleopatra 48. A great insur- 
rection in Alexandria ensues, and Caesar is besieged in 
Bruchium, the dissatisfied Pothinus taking into the city 
Achillas, the command of the royal forces. The hard 
struggle, which Caesar was here obliged to make, shows in 
part, how great was the long nourished bitterness of the 
Alexandrians against Rome ; and in part, in what degree in 
Egypt the revolutions in the royal residence decided on the 
destiny of the whole country. After Ptolemaeus Dionysius 
had lost his life in ttie war, and Caesar was victorious, the 
crown remained with Cleopatra 47, on the condition that she 
should marry her younger brother, who was still in his mi- 
nority ; of whom however, so soon as he grew up and had 
been crowned at Memphis, she freed herself by poison 44. 

24. As long as Caesar lived, Cleopatra stood 
under his protection, slu4. consequently in depen- 



in. PERIOD. SEPARATE KINGDOMS. II. PTOLEMIES. 273 

dence on him. It was not enough, that a Ro- 
man garrison was left in the principal city, the 
queen, together with her brother was obliged 
to visit him even in Rome. But after he was 
put to death she embraced, not without danger for 
Egypt, which >vas threatened with an invasion by 
Cassius from Syria, the party of the triumvirs, and 
prevailed on them, after the death of her brother, 
to acknowledge as king her son, Ptolemaeus Cae- 
sario, whom she pretended to have had by Caesar. 
— But the deep passion, which soon after, on the 
defeat of the republican party, Antony conceived 
for her, chained her to his fate, under which, 
after various attempts to win for herself the 
victorious Augustus, she too met her ruin. 

The chronology of the ten years, which Cleopatra passed 
chiefly with Antony, is not without its difficulties, and ac- 
cording to the most probable results must be thus arranged : 
Being called before his tribunal, because some of her gene- 
rals were charged with having assisted Cassius, she appears 
before him in Tarsus in the attire of a Venus 41, on which 
he follows her to Egypt. In the year 40, Antony is induced 
by the Perusinian war to return to Italy, and there for 
political reasons marries Octavia, while Cleopatra remains 
in Egypt. In autumn 37 she travelled to him to Syria, where 
he himself prepared for a war against the Parthians, which 
' up to that time his generals had conducted ; obtained from 
him as presents Phenicia (except Tyre and Sidon), together 
with Cyrene and Cyprus ; and in 36 returned to Alexandria, 
while this campaign was going on. After the campaign 
Antony went to Egypt again and remained at Alexandria. It 
was his intention from that place to attack Armenia 35 ; 
but the attack was not actually made till 34, after which on 
the capture of the king he entered Alexandria in triumph, 
35 



274 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 

and gave to Cleopatra, or the three children whom he had 
by her, the countries of Asia, which were in part conquered, 
in part to be conquered, from the Mediterranean to the Indus. 
When afterwards he wished in connection with the king of 
Media to attack the Parthians again, Cleopatra brought about 
,a formal rupture with Octavia, who wished to bring him mili- 
tary supplies 33. As the war between him and Octaviusnow 
seemed unavoidable, the expedition begun against Parthia, 
was given up, and Cleopatra accompanied Antony to Samos 
32, who now repudiated Octavia. After this Cleopatra fol- 
lowed him in his campaign against Octavus, which was de- 
cided by the battle of Actium 2d Sept. 31. Octavus pur- 
suing them to Egypt, Alexandria was besieged by him, and, 
after Antony had taken his own life, surrendered, upon 
which Cleopatra, to prevent her being conducted as a captive 
to Rome, in like manner put herself to death. 

25. Even in this last period Egypt appears as 
the seat of immense wealth and of boundless luxury. 
The miserable series of princes, who had held the 
throne since the third Ptolemy, seem not to have 
reduced its prosperous condition. But astonishing 
as this seems, it is easily explained, when we con- 
sider, that the political revolutions usually affected 
only the capital, and an almost continual peace pre- 
vailed in the country ; that it was the only great 
commercial country ; and that its commerce could 
not but necessarily increase in the same degree, 
as extravagance increased in Home and the Roman 
empire. How strong was the re-action of the in- 
crease of Roman luxury on Egypt, is best shown 
by the condition of that country, as a Roman 
pro\ ince ; for the commerce of Alexandria, far 
from declining in this period, (though it may have 
su^Tered in the first period after its conquest;) 
afterwards increased in an extraordinary degree. 



in. PERIOD. 111. MACEDONIA AND SREECE. 275 

III. History of Macedonia itself and Greece from 
the death of Alexander to the Roman Subjuga- 
tion. 323—146. 

The sources of lliis history remain the same, as those 
memioned above, p. 238. Till the battle of Ipsus 301 
Diodorus is the chief authority. But the period from 301 
— 224, during which the fragments of Diodorus, some of the 
biographies of Plutarch, and inaccurate accounts of Justin 
are the only sources, is not without chasms. From 224 
Polybius must be regarded as the chief writer. Even for 
those periods, for which his work is not perfect, its frag- 
ments must always be first consulted. At his side stands 
Livy, as well as other writers of Roman history. 

Of moderns, who have treated of this period, beside the 
works on Universal History : 

The history of Greece from the accession of Alexander 
of Macedon till the final subjection to the Roman power, in 
eight books, by John Gast, D. D. London. 1782. 4to. 
Although 'not the production of a master, yet too important 
not to be mentioned. 

1. Of the three principal kingdoms, which arose 
out of the monarchy of Alexander, Macedonia 
itself, as well in extent, (especially as Thrace con- 
tinued as a separate province divided from it, till 
286), as in regard to population and wealth, was 
by far the weakest. Yet as it was the chief 
cDunfiy of the monarchy, it was in point of rank 
esteemed the first, from which in the beginning 
the government of the whole proceeded, at least 
in name. But ever since 311, after the ruin of 
Alexander's family, it formed an entirely distinct 
kingdom. Its external circle of influence was 
from that time limited chiefly to Greece, whose 



276 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 

history is therefore closely interwoven with that 
of Macedonia. 

Condition of Greece after the death of Alexander : 
Thebes lay m ruins ; Corinth had a Macedonian garrison ; 
Sparta was humiliated by the overthrow which it had suffered 
from Antipater at the time of the rising against Macedonia; 
attempted under Agis II. 333 — 331. Athens, on the con- 
trary, was in a flourishing condition, and although restricted 
within itself, was still by its fame and by its naval power, the 
first state in Greece. , 

2. Although on the first division of the provin- 
ces Craterus was placed as civil governor at the 
side of Antipater, yet the latter still retained the 
guidance of affairs ; and the Lamian war, which, 
immediately after the death of Alexander, was 
begun by the Greeks in the fervor of enthu- 
siasm for the recovery of their freedom, ena- 
bled him, after he had terminated it with equal 
difficulty and success, to put upon Greece far hea- 
vier chains, than it before had borne. 

The Lamian war (prepared by the edict of Alexander, 
that all the Grecian emigrants 20,000 in number, and most 
of them in the interests of Macedonia, might return to their 
native cities,) was begun by the democratic party in Athens, 
to which, following the impulse of Demosthenes and Hype- 
rides, almost all the states of middle and northern Greece, 
except Boeotia, and most of the Peloponnesus, except 
Sparta, Argos, Corinth, and the Achaians, allied themselves. 
Not even in the Persian war had the union been so great ! 
To this there was added a general, like Leosthenes. — Anti- 
pater was defeated and blocked up in Lamia ; but during 
the siege of that city Leosthenes fell 323. Although Leon- 
natus, who came to the rescue, in the hope of ascending the 
throne by marrying Cleopatra, suffered a defeat and himself 
was left on the field 322, the Greeks still sunk under the 



III. PERIOD. III. MACEDONIA AND CTREECE. 277 

force, which Craterus brought from Asia to assist Antipater. 
And after Antipater succeeded in dividing the alliance, 
and in negotiating with each individually, he had it in his 
power to prescribe laws. Most of the cities received Mace- 
donian garrisons ; and Athens, in addition to this, coidd pur- 
chase its peace, which Phocion and Demades negotiated, 
only by a change in its constitution, (the poorer citizens being 
excluded from participating in the government, and being in 
a great measure transplanted to Thrace,) and by promising 
to deliver up Demosthenes and Hyperides ; and Phocion 
now came to be at the head of the state. — The Aetolians, 
the last, against whom war was made, obtained a better 
peace, than they could have hoped for, as Antipater and 
Craterus hastened against Perdiccas to Asia. 

3. The hatred, which even in the lifetime of 
Alexander had been growing up between Antipa- 
ter and Ol} nipias, because he would not let her 
have the sway, had induced the latter to withdraw 
to Cyprus ; especially as the influence of the 
young queen Eurydice (see above p. 231) had 
still more embittered her. Shortly after his ex- 
pedition against Perdiccas, in which his assistant 
Craterus lost his life, and he himself had been 
named regent, Antipater died ; having pre- 
viously passed over his own son Cassander, 
and appointed his friend, the aged Polysperchon 
his successor as regent and chief guardian. There 
thus arose a series of contentions between 320 to 
these two, in which to its misfortune the royal ^le. 
family became entangled, and which, terminating 
with the destruction of that famil}', procured for 
Cassander the dominion of Macedonia. 

Cassander escapes to Antigonus 319, after he had not 
only endeavored to form a party for himself in Macedon a 



278 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 

and Greece, (especially as he procured the command in 
Athens for Nicanor, one of his friends ;) but also had drawn 
Antigonus and Ptolemy into his interests. — Polysperchon, to 
oppose him, recalls Olympias from Epirus, (who however 
does not venture to come without an army ;) appoints Eume- 
nes to the command of the royal troops in Asia, (see above 
p. 232) and endeavors to win the Grecian states by with- 
drawing the Macedonian garrisons, and changing the regents 
who were devoted to Anti pater. But these were too firmly 
established in most of the cities, to allow themselves to be 
driven away ; and even the expedition, which he made for 
that purpose to the Peloponnesus 318, was attended with 
but partial success. — The same year witnessed a double 
revolution at Athens, to which place Polysperchon had sent 
his son Alexander, under the pretence of driving away Ni- 
canor, but in reality to gain possession of so important a 
city. As both seemed to unite for one object, there was 
first a rising of the democratic party, by which the former 
i'egents of the party of Anti pater, at whose head was Pho- 
cion, were deposed, and Phocion was compelled to drink 
poison ; but soon after Cassander again got possession of the 
state ; excluded all, . who were possessed of less than ten 
minae from the administration of the state ; and put at its 
head Demetrius Phalereus, who administered the govern- 
ment with much prudence 318 — 307. — Shortly after Olym- 
pias returns from Epirus with an army, and as the Mace- 
donian troops of Philip and Eurydice passed over to her, 
she quieted her thirst for revenge on these, as well as on the 
brothers of Cassander, whom she caused to be executed 
317. But Cassander, who had strengthened himself in the 
Pelopoimesus, marched against her, and besieged her in 
Pydna, where, after her hope of being relieved by Polysper- 
chon or Aeacides of Epirus, both of whom were deserted 
by their troops, had been disappointed, she was compelled to 
surrender 316, on which Cassander had her condemned by 
the Macedonian people, and executed. 



III. PERIOD. III. MACEDONIA AND GREECE. 2/9 

4. Cassander, now master, and from 302 king 
of Macedonia, confirmed his power by marry- 
ing Thessalonice, the half-sister of Alexander, 
and at the same time endeavored to increase 
his authority in Greece as much as possible. 
Polysperchon and his son Alexander were still in 
the Peloponnesus ; but the states out of it, except 
Aetolia, were either all allies of Cassander, or had 
Macedonian sjarrisons. When, after the unsuc- 

. . 314. 

cessful alliance against Antigonus, in which 
Cassander also took part, the general pacifi- 
ca*ion was effected under the conditions, that 
the Grecian cities should be free, and the young 
Alexander, on coming of age, should be raised to 
the Macedonian throne, Cassander got rid of him 
and his mother Roxane by murdering them, but 
was obliged himself to sustain an attack from 
Polysperchon, who took advantage of the indigna- 
tion of the Macedonians, to bring back Hercules, 
the only remaining illegitimate son of Alexander. 
Cassander relieved himself from the difficulty only 
by a new crime, for he persuaded Polysperchon, 
on the promise of sharing the regency with him, 
to murder the young Hercules; yet as Polysper- 
chon could not get possession of the promised 
Peloponnesus, he seems to have acquired little 
influence. Cassander immediately received a dan- 
gerous antagonist in Antigonus and his son, and 
although upon the first invasion of Demetrius 
in Greece he was freed by the war with 
Ptolemy, which broke out immediately after, 307. 
the danger was but the greater on the second 
invasion, when he was saved by the recall of ^^^' 



■•% 



280 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCH i. 

Demetrius by his father, on account of the alli- 
ance, newly formed, (see above p. 236.). 

Antigonus declares loudly against Cassander on returning 
from Upper Asia 314, sends his general Aristodemus to the 
Peloponnesus, and forms a union with Polysperchon and his 
son Alexander, although Cassander succeeds in gaining the 
latter by promising him the command in the Peloponnesus. 
He was shortly after murdered, but his wife Cratesipolis 
commanded after his death with manly courage. In the 
meantime Cassander makes war on the Aetolians, because 
they were on the side of Antigonus 313 ; but when Antigo- 
nus 312 sent his general Ptolemy with a fleet and army to 
Greece, Cassander lost his supremacy there. In the peace 
311 the freedom of all the Grecian cities was made a con- 
dition ; but this was the very pretext for mutual and con- 
tinuing acts of hostility ; and when Cassander murdered the 
young king with his mother, he thus occasioned the attempt of. 
Polysperchon to displace him by means of the young Her- 
cules 310, of whom he rid himself 309 in the manner, 
stated above. — When Cassander upon this began to extend 
his power again in Greece, Demetrius Poliorcetes, in order 
to get the start of Ptolemy in Egypt, was sent by his father 
to Greece, to carry into effect the decree, liberating the 
Greeks 308, which had, as its consequence, the restoration 
of the democracy in Athens, and the banishment of Deme- 
trius Phalereus. — From any further attack of Demetrius 
Cassander was liberated by the war, which broke out with 
Ptolemy (p. 235) and had leisure, to strengthen his power 
again in Greece, till 302 Demetrius for the second time, and 
as the commander in chief of liberated Greece, advanced to 
the borders of Macedonia, when he was called by his father 
to Asia, and in the battle of Ipsus 301 lost his possessions 
there. Yet, although Athens closed her ports against 
him, he retained his possessions in the Peloponnesus, which 
he endeavored to enlarge, and from whence he in 39t 



III. PERIOD. III. MACEDONIA AND GREECE. 281 

vagain put himself in possession of his cherished Athens, and 
forgave its ingratitude, after expelHng the usurper Lachares. 

5. Cassander survived the restoration of his 
throne by the battle of Ipsus only three years ; 
and left his Macedonia as an inheritance to 

his three sons, of whom however Philip, the eldest, 
died soon after him. 

6. Yet the two others, Antipater and Alexander, 
soon ruined themselves. Antipater, having mur- 
dered his own mother Thessalonice, because she 
favored Alexander, was obliged to fly, and sought 
help of her father-in-law, Lysimachus of Thrace ; 
where however he soon lost his life. But as 
Alexander in the meanwhile believed himself in 
need of foreign assistance, he addressed himself 
to king Pyrrhus of Epirus, and to Demetrius Po- 
liorcetes, (who both came, only to make him pay 
them ;) but was murdered by the latter after 
mutual attempts to ensnare each other, and the 
family of Antipater expired with him. 

7. The army proclaims Demetrius king of Mace- 
donia, and with him the house of Antigonus ob- 
tains the Macedonian throne, which it finally pre- 
served, though after various vicissitudes. 294(0 
His seven years' reign, in which one project ^^''' 
gives way to another, was a constant succession 
of wars ; and as he could never learn to support 
fortune, he is finally ruined by his own haughti- 
ness. 

The kingdom of Demetrius consisted of Macedonia, 

Thessaly, and the greatest part of the Peloponnesus, and 

he was also master of Megara and Athens. — Thebes, which 

Cassander had rebuilt, was twice taken, 293 and 291 ; and 

36 



282 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY, 

an unsuccessful attack was made on Thrace 292. His war 
with Pyrrhiis 290, in whom it was thought a new Alexander 
aiob'e, lost for him the affections of the Macedonians ; hut 
his great project for re-conquering the lost Asia, induced his 
enemies to anticipate him ; and the hatred of his subjects 
compelled him to fly secretly to the Peloponnesus to his son 
Antigonus 287. His reverse of fortune induced Athens to 
free itself from the Macedonian garrison, and by choosing 
archons to restore its ancient constitution ; and although 
Demetrius besieged the city, he was yet induced by Crates 
to yield. But as he persevered even under such circum- 
stances in his project against Asia, he was obliged to surren- 
der to Seleucus, his father-in-law 286, who gave him the 
bread of charity till he died 284. 

8. To the vacant throne Pyrrhus of Epirus, as 
well as Lysiinachus of Thrace, laid claim ; but 
although Pyrrhus, with the cession of the half, 
was first proclaimed king, yet, being a foreign- 
er, he was not able to maintain his throne, longer 
than till 286, when he was supplanted by Lysima- 
chus. 

The kings of Epirus of the family of the Aeacidae were 
properly princes of the Molossi. see p. 152. They became 
masters of all Epirus and historically important after the 
period of the Peloponnesian war. Afterwards the kings 
were, Alcetas T. in 384 (who pretended to be in the sixteenth 
generation a descendant of Pyrrhus, the son of Achilles-) ; 
Neoptolemus, father of Olytnpias, (by whose marriage with 
Philip 358 the kings of Epirus were brought into nearer 
connection with Macedonia), f 352. Arymbas, his brother, 
f 342. Alexander 1., son of Neoptolemus, and brother-in- 
law of Alexander the great, wished to be a conqueror in the 
West, as the latter in the East, but fell in Lucania 332. 
Aea ides, son of Arymbas, f312. Pyrrhus II. his son, the 
Ajax of his age, and almost more of an adventurer than 



liX. PERIOD. 111. MACEDONIA AND GREECE. 233 

king. After constant wars in Macedonia, Greece, Italy and 
Sicily, he at last fell in taking possession of Argos 272. 
He was succeeded by his son Alexander II., witli whose 
successor Pyrrhus III. 219 the male line expned j and 
although he was at first followed by his daughter Deidamia, 
the inhabitants of Epirus soon introduced a democratic 
government, till they 146 with Macedonia and the rest of 
Greece fell into the power of Rome. 

9. Lysimachus succeeding to the throne, Thrace, 
and for a short season Asia Minor, was added to 
the Macedonian kingdom ; but ancient hatred 

282. 

and family connections soon involved Lysi- 
machus in a war with Seleucus Nicator, in which 
he lost his throne and life in the battle at Curupe- 
dion. 

The eldest son of Lysimachus, the brave Agathocles, was 
executed at the instigation of his step-mother Arsinoe ; upon 
which his widow Lysandra, and her brother, Ptolemaeus 
Ceraunus, driven from Egypt by his step-mother Berenice, 
together with his powerful but now persecuted party, fled for 
refuge to Seleucus, and excited him to war. 

10. Thus, therefore, when the victor Seleucus, 
as master of Asia, <'aused himself to be now pro- 
claimed as king of Macedonia, that country seemed 
in truth destined again to become the chief land of 
the whole monarchy. But soon after passing into 
Europe Seleucus fell by the assassinating hand 

of Ptolemaeus Ceraunus, who, by means of the 
treasures of the murdered king, and the remain- 
ing troops of Lysimachus, obtains for himself the 
throne; and by new faithlessness avenged himself 
on his half-sister Arsinoe ; but just as he believed 
himself entirely safe, lost his throne and life 
by the irruption of the Gauls. 



284 FOURTH DIVISION. ' MACEDONIAiV MOKARCHT. 

The irruption of the Gauls, which threatened not only 
Macedonia but Greece with entire devastation, was made in 
three several expeditions. The first, under Cambaules 
(probably 280), extended no fui-ther than Thrace for want of 
strength. The second, in three parts^ against Thrace under 
Ceretrius, against Paeonia under Brennus and Acichorius, 
and against Macedonia and Illyria under Belgins i79. By 
the latter Ptolemy was beaten and left on the field of battle. 
Upon this Meleager was named king in Macedonia, and after 
him Antipater, who were, however, quickly deposed on 
account of their inefficiency, and then Sosthenes, a Macedo- 
nian noble, received the command and for this time liberated 
Macedonia. But 278 the great storm came on, directed 
primarily against Greece, yet in opposing it Sosthenes was 
routed and slain. Although the Greeks unitedly exerted all 
their strength, Brennus and Acichorius were yet able to 
enter Greece on two sides, and to reach Delphi, the object 
of their expedition ; from whence they were however obliged 
to withdraw, and were for the most part wasted away by 
want, cold and the sword. Yet a part of them made an 
establishment within Thrace, which was thus in a great 
measure lost for Macedonia ; and others, the hordes of the 
Tectosagi, Tolistobii and Trocmi, passed over into Asia 
Minor, where they found and- retained places of abode in 
the district, called from them Galatia (see. p. 242). Although 
the Tectosagi came from the interior of Gaul, yet the mode 
of attacking shows, that the chief masses were composed 
of neighboring nations ; and in fact the lands from 
the Danube to the Mediterranean and the Hadriatic sea, 
were at that time almost entirely occupied by Gauls. — On 
the other hand united Greece, (exclusive of the Peloponne- 
sus,) could hardly oppose to them 20,000 men, although all 
its powers were exerted to the utmost. 

1 ] . On the vacant throne of the desolate Mace- 
donia, Antigonus of Gonni, the son of Demetrius. 



ill. PERIOD. III. MACEDONIA AND GREECE. 285 

now placed himself, satisfying his rival Antiochus 
I. Soter by a treaty and a marriage. But though 
he defended himself successfully against the Gauls, 
who were making a new invasion, he was yet 

274. 

dispossessed by Pyrrhus, who was now re- 
turned from Italy, and was now for the second 
time proclaimed king of Macedonia. But while 
PjTrhus wished to conquer the Peloponnesus, and. 
after an unsuccessful attack on Sparta which 

. 272. 

made a heroic defence, was taking posses- 
sion of Argos, he lost his life. 

Extraordinary as these frequent ghanges seem, they may 
yet be easily explained from the character of the wars of 
that time. Every thing depended on the armies ; and these 
consisted of mercenaries, who were ready to fight to-mor- 
row against the person, whom they defended to-day, as soon 
as they hoped to find in his antagonist a braver or more suc- 
cessful leader. The Macedonian phalanx, in particular, 
since the death of Alexander, no longer depended on its 
leaders, but they on it. The impoverishment of the lands 
by wars made the trade of war almost the only profitable 
one ; and none now pursued it more zealously than the 
Gauls, who stood at the service of any one, who would pay 
them. 

12. After the death of Pyrrhus, Antigonus Gon- 

natas again acquired the Macedonian throne, 

which he, and his descendants after him, from 
.... ,, , 266. 

this time uninterruptedly possessed, yet not 

till after a violent contest with Alexander, the son 

and successor of Pyrrhus. But as soon as they 

were safe from foreign rivals, Greece again 

~ 251. 

became the object of the Macedonian policy, 
and the taking of Corinth seemed to secure its 
dependence. But by the establishment of the 



286 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 

Aetolian, and afterwards of the far more impor- 
tant ilchaian league, the foundation was here laid 
for entirely new relations, which gam the highest 
importance even for the history of the world. 
After so many storms the sun of Greece was yet 
to go down in an evening of beauty. 

The ancient union of the twelve Achaian cities (see p. 
146) continued till the death of Alexander, but fell asunder 
in the subsequent troubled season, especially since, after the 
battle of Ipsus 301, Demetrius and his son Antigonus had 
made the Peloponnesus the chief seat of their power. 
Some of these cities they now occupied, in others tyrants 
sprung up, who commonly favored them. But 281 four of 
the cities broke free, and renewed their ancient league ; and 
five years afterwards, when Antigonus, after occupying the 
Macedonian throne, was elsewhere employed, the others 
gradually followed. But this league did not become power- 
ful, till after other states joined it. This was done first by 
Sicyon 251 by means of its liberator Aratus, who now be- 
comes the soul of the aUiance, and 243 adds to it the strong 
place Corinth, after expelling the Macedonian garrison, and 
Megara. The league was afterwards gradually strengthened 
by the accession of several Grecian states, among others 
Athens 229 ; but by that very means excited the jealousy of 
the rest, and, as Aratus more a statesman than general, and 
too little independent, joined in the beginning the party of 
Ptolemy II., the league became entangled in the dissensions 
of the larger powers, and too often was a ball in their hands. 
The chief regulations were : 1. The entire political equahty 
of all the alhed states, (by which it was essentially distin- 
guished from all earher confederations of Greece). 2. The 
entire preservation of the internal constitution of each city ; 
on the other hand 3. two yearly assemblies of the deputies 
of all the cities at Aegium, afterwards Corinth, for transact- 
ing all business of coraraon interest, especially in the depart- 



III. PERIOD. ni. MACEDONIA AND GREECE. 287 

inent of foreign affairs, and in these assemblies the Strategus, 
(at once general and head of the union,) and the ten demiurgi, 
or chief magistrates, were elected. — But what more than any 
thing elevated this genuine league of liberty, was, that it had in 
Aratus till 213, Philopoemen till 183, and Lycortas till 170, 
men, who knew how to breathe into it a spirit of life and 
hold it together, till the Roman policy weakened and over- 
turned it. 

V. Breitenbauch Geschichte der Achaer und ihres Bundes. 
1782. 

The Aetolian league was formed about 284 in conse- 
quence of the oppressions of the Macedonian kings. The 
Aetolians also had a yearly assembly, Panaetolium, at Ther- 
mus, where a strategus and apocleti were chosen ; who 
formed their national council. They also had their scribes 
or writers, and overseers, or Ephori ; of whom the peculiar 
office is uncertain. Their league was enlarged, but not like 
the Achaian, as none but Aetolians belonged to it. The 
less civilized the nation continued with its piracy, the more 
frequently was it the instrument in the hands of foreign, 
especially of Roman, policy. 

13. After the death of Antigonus, who attained 
to the age of 80 years, and who in the latter part 
of his life endeavored in all ways, especially by a 
connection with the Aetolians, to counteract the 
Achaians, he was followed by hissonDeme- 243(0 
triusll. He made war on the Aetolians, who ^^^• 
were now, however, assisted by the Achaians; and 
especially endeavored by favoring tyrants in the 
several cities, to prevent the aggrandizement of 
the Achaians. The rest of his reign is almost a 
chasm in history. 

The usual story, that he conquered Cyrene and Lybia, 
arises from -confounding him with his uncle Demetrius, son 



288 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 

of Poliorcetes by Ptolemaisj whom Plutarch calls king of 
Cyrene. The history of Cyrene between 258 — 142 lies in 
an almost entire obscurity, cf. Prolog. Trogi. 1. XXVI. ad 
calcem Justini. 

233 to ^^- ^^ t^^^ exclusion of his son Philip, his 
221. brother's son Antigonus II. Doson was raised 
to the throne. The concerns of Greece, where 
bv a very remarkable political revolution in Sparta 
(of which we have a particular account in Plu- 
tarch's Agis and Cleomenes,) the Achaians had 
obtained a dangerous enemy, occupied him the 
most ; (although the undertakings of the Romans 
in Illyria since 230 were more worthy of his atten- 
tion ;) and here the relations were so changed, 
that the Macedonians, from being the opposers of 
the Achaians, now became their allies. 

In Sparta at that time the forms of the ancient constitu- 
tion continued ; but since the plundering of foreign coun- 
tries, and especially since the transfer of the portions of 
land had been permitted through Epitadeus^ the greatest ine- 
quality of fortune had arisen. The object of the restoration 
of the constitution of Lycurgus was therefore two-fold : 
partly by a new agrarian law and the release of debts to 
favor the poor ; partly by enfeebling the authority of the 
Ephori to increase the power of the kings. — The first 
attempt at a" reform 244 by king Agis III. was at first only 
half successful, and at last was entirely defeated by the other 
king Leonidas, and terminated in the destruction of Agis and 
his family 241. But when Leonidas was succeeded by his 
son Cleomenes 236, who victoriously frustrated 227 the plan 
of Aratus, to compel Sparta to join the Achaian league, he 
then in 226 reduced the ephori by a violent revolution, and 
executed the plans of Agis. At the same time he strength- 
ened the Spartans by the admission of a number of the 



III. PERIOD. III. MACEDONIA AND GREECE. 289 

PerJoeci; and also restored the constitution of Lycurgus in 
private life. But soon after, as a revolution even in a small 
republic cannot be confirmed without a foreign war, he 224 
attacked the Achaians, who, as they were beaten, sought 
assistance through Aratus of Antigonus, and received it. 
Upon this Cleomenes yielded to the superior power in the 
battle at Sellasia 222, and with difficulty escaped to Egypt; 
but Sparta was obhged to accept the continuance of its 
independence as a gift from Antigonus. Thus failed the 
attempt of several great men to reform a nation, already 
degenerated. Sparta, through the contests of the Ephori 
with the kings Lycurgus and liis successors Machanidas, 
soon fell into anarchy, after which 207 a certain Nabis ob- 
tained the sole rule, and overturned the established consti- 
tution. He, who will study the history of great revolutions, 
may make a beginning with this small one ; from none can 
more instruction be derived. 

Plutarchi Agis et Cleomenes. The accounts are chiefly 
taken from the commentaries of Aratus. 

]5. Philip 11. son of Demetrius. As a 22110 
youth of sixteen jears he ascended the ^'^' 
throne, possessed of man}- qualities, which can 
form a great prince, and under happ\' auspi- 
ces. Macedonia had recovered itself in a long in- 
ternal peace ; and the chief object of his polic}', 
to be at the head of Greece, appeared to be, as it 
were, attained by the union of Antigonus with the 
Achaians, and the victory at Sellasia. But Philip's 
age is that of the fearful aggrandizement of Rome ; 
and the more and the earlier he resisted this, the 
deeper was he entangled in this entirely new 
series of relations ; which embittered for him the 
remainder of his life ; and finally, as his misfortunes 
37 



290 FOURTH DIVISION, MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 

made him more and more of a despot, precipitated 
him into the grave, of grief. 

221 to J^- Tfie first five years of Philip's reign 
217. were occupied vt^ith his participating in the 
wars of the Achaians against the Aetolians, or the 
social war, in which Philip, notwithstanding the 
treachery of his minister Apellas and his party, 
was able to prescribe the conditions of peace, ac- 
cording to which each one was to remain in pos- 
session of what he had. The accounts from Italy 
of Hannibal's victory et Thrasymene were part of 
the reasons for hastening peace, as Philip now 
formed greater plans at the ad\ ice of Demetrius of 
Pharus, who had fled before the Romans, and who 
now possessed unlimited influence over Philip. 

The causes of the social war were the depredations of 
the Aetolians on the Messenians, whose part the Achaians 
took 221. The mistakes of Aratus occasioned an applica- 
tion to Pliilip 220, whose progress however was long hin- 
dered by the arts of the faction of Apellas, who wished to 
displace Aratus. The Acarnanians, Epirotae, and Messe- 
nians, with Scerdilaidas of lUyria, (but who soon became 
his enemy,) were on the side of Philip and the Achaians, on 
the other hand the Aetolians under their general Scopas 
found allies in the Spartans and Elians. — The most impor- 
tant consequence of this war for Macedonia was, that it 
began again to become a naval power. — About the same 
time a war, in itself inconsiderable, broke out between the 
commercial republics Byzantium and Rhodes, (on whose 
side stood Prusias 1. of Bithynia,) but which, as a commer- 
cial war, for it arose respecting duties imposed by the Byzan- 
tines, is in this age the only war of its kind 222. The 
Rhodians, at that time so powerful at sea, compelled their 
adversaries to yield. 



til. PERIOD. III. MACEDONIA AND GREECE. 291 

17. The nejiotiations of Philip with Hannibal, 

214 

were followed by an alliance, by which they 
mutually promised each other assistance for the 
destruction of Rome. Yet Rome was able to stir up 
for Philip so many enemies on the borders of his 
own kingdom, and so warily to profit by its naval 
superiority, that the execution of his plan was 
hindered, till he could be attacked in Greece ; 
where the haughty tone, which he now began to 
use against his allies, as he wished in the con- 
sciousness of his power to play a part in a larger 
sphere, made him many enemies. 

The liostilities of Rome against Philip were commenced, 
immediately as the alliance with Hannibal was made known, 
by stationing on the coasts of Macedonia, a squadron 
with troops on board, which defeats the king himself at 
Apolionia 214. — Ro:ne forms an alHance with the Aetolians, 
to which Sparta, Elis, the kings Attains of Pergamus, and 
Scerdilaidas and Pleuratus of Illyria are added 211. On 
the other hand the Achaians, to whom Philopoemen more 
than made good the loss of Aratusby Philip 213, as well as 
the Acarnanians and Boeotians, remained on Philip's side. 
— Attacked on all sides, Philip yet drew himself out of the 
embarrasment successfully, and first compelled the Aetolians, 
deserted as they were by Rome and Aitalus, to a separate 
peace, which was soon after 204 changed by Rome, by 
whose present interests the measure was required, into a 
general peace, which included the allies of both sides. 

18. Philip wages a new war with Attains 203 to 
and the Rhodiaus, chiefly in Asia Minor, and ^^^* 
enters into an impolitic union with Antiochus III. for 
the attack of Egypt. And does Philip deserve re- 
proach, if he sought to disarm the power which 
seconded the interest of the Romans ? But Rome 



292 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCH!. 

did not leave him time to do it, and he was to 
learn at Chios, that his naval power was not 

202 

equal even to that of the Rhodians. 
200 to 19. The war with Rome at once precipi- 
^^^- tated the power of Macedonia from its height, 
and changed almost all the relations in that quar- 
ter, as it laid the foundation for the dominion of 
the Romans in the East. Yet the two first years 
of the war abundantly show, that mere violence 
couid not easily overturn the Macedonian throne. 
But when T. Quintius Fiaminius appeared, and, 
intoxicating the Greeks with the magic word 
liberty, deprived Philip of his allies, the battle 
of Cynoscephalae decided every thing. The 
conditions of the peace were: 1. All the Grecian 
states in Europe and Asia are independent, and 
Philip withdraws his garrisons from them. 2. He 
delivers up his whole fleet, and is allowed to main- 
tain no more than 500 armed men. 3. He is not 
to carry on any war out of Macedonia without the 
previous knowledge of the Romans. 4. He pays 
1000 talents by instalments, and gives up his 
younger son Demetrius as a hostage. 

The allies of the Romans in this war were : the Aeto- 
lians, the Athenians, Rhodians, the kings of the Athamani, 
Dardani, and of Pergamus. — At first the Aclmians were the 
allies of Philip, but Fiaminius knew how to win them for 
the Romans. (See the Roman History below). 

20. By the public proclamation of the liber- 
ty of Greece, made soon after at the Isth- 
mian Games by Fiaminius, the supremacy over 
Greece was in reality transferred from Macedonia 
to Rome, loudly as the Greeks shouted over their 



111. PERIOD. III. MACEDONIA AND GREECE. 293 

freedom ; and Grecian history, now not less than 
the Macedonian, becomes interwoven with the 
Roman. It was now a principle in Home to nurse 
the disputes between the Grecian states, and 
especially not to allow the Achaians to grow too 
powerful; and as a Roman and an Anti-Roman 
party were soon formed in each of them, the game 
was for Rome an easy one. 

Flaminius at once took care, that the Achaians should still 
have an adversary in Nabis, although he could not help 
making war on him before his departure for haly 194. — As 
early as 192 a war breaks out between Nabis and the Achai- 
ans, which after his murder by the Aetolians 191 was fol- 
lowed by the addition of Sparta to the Achaian confederacy. 
But about this time Greece was again made the theatre of a 
foreign war ; for Antiochus established himself there firmly, 
and many tribes, especially the Aetolians, who had long been 
bitter against the Romans, united with him ; which tribes, 
however, when Antiochus was driven from Greece 191, 
were compelled to expiate it dearly, and obtained a hard 
peace from Rome 189 only after long and vain entreaties. 

21. During the war of the Romans with Antio- 
chus, Philip, as one of the many allies of Rome, 
was allowed to enlarge his territory a little by en- 
croachments on his neighbors, the Atamanians, 
Thr£ft;ians and Thessalians, in order to keep him 
in ffood humor. But after the end of this 

190 

war he felt the oppression of Rome too much 
to allow of any thought but revenge, and any 
object but the restoration of his power. Yet the 
violent manner, in which he endeavored to people 
the exhausted Macedonia (thus does the thirst for 
conquest avenge itself even on the victors !) by 



294 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCHt. 

transplanting the inhabitants of whole cities and 

districts, and the oppression of many neighbors, 

which was thus made unavoidable, excited the 

complaints of the many ; and what accuser of 

Philip did not now find a hearing in Rome ? — It 

was only his younger son Demetrius, the pupil of 

Rome, (and probably destined by Rome for his 

successor,) that delayed the fate of Macedonia. 

But on his returning from an embassy to Rome, the 

jealousy of the elder illegitimate brother 

Perseus degenerated into a hatred, which 

could only be quieted by the death of the younger. 

It was not Philip's severest doom, that he as a 

father was compelled to judge between his sons. 

^gj After the execution of his favorite he had to 

learn his innocence. No wonder that sorrow 

soon made him follow to the grave ! 

22. The same polic}^ which was observed by 

Rome against Philip, was pursued against the 

Achaians, towards whom a higher tone had been 

used since the termination of the war against 

189 

Antiochus ; and the continual contests of the 
Greeks with one another made this course an easy 
one. Yet the great Philopoemen, worthy of a 
better age, was able to maintain the dignity ©f the 
confederacy even in the case in which the Romans 
undertook to decide as umpires. Not till 
after he fell, was it easy for the Romans to 
make for themselves a party among the Achaians^ 
as the venal Callicrates offered himself to them 
tor that purpose. 

The disputes of the Achaians were partly with Sparta, 



HI. PERIOD. III. MACEDONIA AND GREECE. 295 

partly with Messene, and had their chief origin in the exist- 
ence in each of these small states of factions, of which the 
leaders, for the most part influenced by personal relations, 
especially by hatred of Philopoemen, wished to separate 
them from the Achaian confederacy ; whilst on the other 
hand it now became the leading idea of the Achaians that 
this league should embrace the whole Peloponnesus. In 
the war against the Messenians 183 Philopoemen, now 
seventy years old, was taken by them and put to death. 

Plutarchi Philopoemen. Almost entirely taken from the 
lost biography of Polybius. 

23. Perseus, the last Macedonian king, had 179 to 
inherited from his father Philip his perfect ^^^' 
hatred of the Romans, and if not quite equal, yet 
not much inferior talents. He entered entirely 
into the views of his father, and the first seven 
years of his reign were only one constant effort to 
gather strength against Rome. To this end he 
called in the Bastarnians from the North, to es- 
tablish them in the lands of his enemies, the Dar- 
danians ; he endeavored to form alliances with the 
kings of lUyria, Thrace, Syria, and Bithynia ; but 
above all, he strove by negotiations and promises to 
restore the ancient influence of Macedonia over 
Greece. 

The establishment of the Bastarnians, perhaps a German 
tribe, on the other side the Danube, in Thrace and Dar- 
dania, in order to make war on the Romans through them, 
had been a plan of Philip's, and was now only partially car- 
ried into execution under Perseus. — In Greece, the Mace- 
donian party, which Perseus gained chiefly out of the large 
number of impoverished citizens, would probably have re- 
tained the upper hand in most of the states, but for the 
fear of Rome and the strict vigilance of the Romans. Thu^ 



296 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 

the Achaians remained, at least in appearance, on the Ro- 
man side ; the Aetolians had ruined themselves by internal 
factions ; so too the Acarnanians ; but the confederacy of the 
Boeotians was entirely broken up by Rome 171. On the 
other hand the Macedonian party prevailed in Epirus ; Thes- 
saly was occupied by Perseus ; several Thracian tribes were 
on his side, and in king Gentius, he found an ally, who might 
have been very useful to him, had he not by his own un- 
reasonable avarice, deprived himself of his assistance. 

24. The actual breaking out of the war was hasten- 
ed by the bitter hatred between Perseus and Eume- 
nes, and the attempts of the latter to irritate Rome. 
The delaying of the happy moment for anticipat- 
ing the blow, and the defensive system, admirably 
as it may have been planned, brought on the fall of 
172 to Perseus, as it had done that of Antiochus. 
^^^- Yet he sustained the war till the fourth year ; 
but the battle of l^ydna decided at once his fate 
and that of the Macedonian kingdom. 

The destiny of Perseus was a melancholy one, both till 
he was taken captive on Samothrace, and afterwards to his 
death in Rome 166. 

25. According to the system of Rome at that 
time, the conquered Macedonia was not at first 
made a province, but first rendered defenceless, by 
being republicanized and divided into four dis- 
tricts, which, entirely disconnected, were obliged 
to pay to Rome half the tribute, that they formerly 
paid to the kings. 

26. That the dependence of Greece, especially of 
the Achaian league, should increase after the fall 
of Perseus, lay in the nature of things. The po- 
litical inquisition of the Roman commissaries not 



III. PERIOD. lir. MACEDONIA AND GREECE. 297 

only punished the declared supporters of Mace- 
donia ; to have acted a neutral part was enough to 
excite suspicion. Yet in the increasing ha- red 
Rome did not believe itself secure, till by one blow 
it freed itself of all important adversaries. Above 
a thousand of the most distinguished Achaians 
were summoned for trial to Rome, and were 167 to 
kept there without trial seventeen years. '^^■ 
To the head of the league their informer Calli- 
crates (tl50) was raised; who could now quietly 
listen, " when the boys in the street hooted at him as 
a traitor." — Greece had now, it is true, a more tran- 
quil period, and for very plain reasons. 

27. The last fortunes, as well of Macedonia as 
of Greece, were decided by the policy now adopt- 
ed in Rome, of changing the former dependence 
of nations into formal subjection. The insurrec- 
tion of Andriscus in Macedonia, who gave himself 
out for the son of Perseus, was terminated by 150 to 
Metellus who changed Macedonia into a Ro- ''^^• 
man province ; and two j^ears afterwards, on the 
taking of Corinth, the last gleam of Grecian liberty 
vanished. 

The last war of the Achaians was occasioned by contests 
with Sparta 150, which were kept alive by Diaeus, Crito- 
laus and Damocritus, who had returned from the Roman 
captivity in anger, and in these contests Rome took part, in 
order entirely to destroy the Achaian league. The first 
proposition to that effect occasioned the ill treatment of the 
Roman envoys at Corinth ; yet as the war with Carthage 
and Andriscus still continued, a mild tone was used. But 
the party of Diaeus and Critolaus desired war ; the envoys 
of Metellus were insulted anew, and the Achaians declared 
38 



298 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN flIONARCHY. 

war against Sparta and Rome. In the very same year Metellus 
routed them under Critolaus, who fell ; but was succeeded 
in the command by Mummius, who overthrew Diaeus, the 
successor of Critolaus, took Corinth and destiojcd it 14G. 
The consequence was, that Greece, under the name of Achaia, 
was made a Roman province, although to a few cities, as 
for example to Athens, they still left a shadow of liberty. 



IV. History of some smaller or more remote 
Kingdoms and States, which were formed out of 
the Macedonian Monarchy. 

Sources. Besides the writers mentioned above (p. 238), 
Memnon, the historian of Heraclea on the Pontus (see p. 
1G5) deserves to be nanied, of whose works we have extracts 
in Photius Cod. 224. In several divisions, as the Parthians. 
.[ustin is the chief source* ; as also Ammianus Marcellinus : 
and the extracts from Arrian's Parthicis in Photius. Beside 
the writers the coins of their kings are very important ; but 
the attempt of Vaillant shows, that even with these their 
chronology remains very unsettled. For Jewish liistory Jo- 
sephus (see p. 35) is the chief writer. Of the books of the 
O. T. those of Ezra and Nehemiah. Also the books of 
ihe Maccabees, not always to be depended upon. 

The modern writers are cited below under the respective 
kingdoms. Much also lies scattered in the works on ancient 
coins. 

* As Justin did but abridge Trogus Pompeius, the question, of 
great importance for several chapters of ancient history, arises : 
To what sources Trogus had access ? This question is answered 
in Heeren's two dissertations : De fontibus et auctoritate Trogi 
Pompeii, ejusque epitoraatoris Justini, in Comment. Sec. Gott. 
Vol. XV. 



III. PERIOD. IV. SaiALLER KINGDOxMS. PERGAMUS. 299 

I. Besides the three chief empires, into which 
the monarchy of Alexander was divided, there 
arose out of this great mass of countries several other 
secondary kingdoms, one of which grew to be one 
of the most powerful kingdoms of the world. To 
this Class belong 1. The kingdom of Pergamus. 
2. Bithynia. 3. Paphlagonia. 4. Pontus. 5. Cappa- 
docia. 6. Armenia Major. 7. Armenia Minor. 8. 
Tiie Parthian kingdom. 9. The Bactrian kingdom. 
10. The Jewish state from the time of the Macca* 
bees. 

We are acquainted with tlie liistory of these kingdoms 
(the Jewish state alone exjiected.) chiefly only as far as they 
were entangled in the disputes of the larger kingdoms ; of 
their own proper domestic history we know little or nothing. 
We can, therefore, give little more respecting them than a 
series of chronological dates, a knowledge of which is how- 
ever indispensable for universal history. 

2. The kingdom of Pergamus in Mysia 283 to 
arose during the war between Seleucus and ^^^* 
Lj^simachus. It prospered through the greatness 
of its regents, (fortunately the wisest among them 
ruled the longest ;) and the weakness of the Se- 
leucidae ; and owed its enlargement to the Ro- 
mans, who had their reasons for promoting its in- 
crease. History hardly shows an example of a 
secondary kingdom, of which the princes profited 
with greater talent of the political relations of the 
times. But it is their still greater praise to have 
advanced the arts of peace, in which they vied 
with the Ptolomies ; industry, the sciences, archi- 
tecture, and the arts of design. In this respect 
the little state of Pergamus outshines many great 
kingdoms. 



300 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY* 

Piiiletaerus, the governor of Lysimachus in Pergamus, 
makes himself independent ; and keeps possession of the 
citadel and city Pergamus 283 — 263. His nephew Entne- 
nes I. 203 — 241 gains a victory over Antiochus at Sardes 
2G3, and becoines master of Aeolis and the surrounding 
country. His nephew Attalus I. 211 — 197 after his victory 
over the Galatiaiis 239 is proclaimed king of Pergamus. 
He was one of the noblest princes, whose genius and activity 
embraced every thing. His wars with Achaeus made him 
(he ally of Antiochus III. 216. The connection with Rome 
begins by his participating in the alliance of the Aetolians 
against Macedonia 211, to counteract Philip's plans of con- 
quest. Therefore, after Philip's invasion of Asia 203, he 
took part in the first Macedonian war, on the side of Rome. 
His son, Eumenes 11., was the heir of all the great qualities 
of his father, 197 — 158. The Romans rewarded his assis- 
tance against Antiochus Magnus by presenting him with 
almost all the lands of Antiochus in Asia Minor, (Piirygia, 
Mysia, Lycaonia, Lydia, Ionia, and a part of Caria,) which 
formed the subsequent kingdom of Pergamus ; but connect- 
ed with the loss of independence. He was scarcely able 
in the war with Perseus, to preserve to hunself the favor of 
the senate, and with it his kingdom. His brother Attalus 
II. 158 — 138, Rome's faithful dependent, took part in almost 
all the disputes of Asia Minor, especially of Bithynia. His 
nephew, the mad Attalus III. 138 — 133, bequeathed his 
kingdom to Rome, by which power it was taken after van- 
quishing the pretended heir Aristonicus 130, and made a 
province under the name of Asia. — Great inventions and 
establishments at Pergamus. A rich library ; afterwards 
taken by Antony to Alexandria, as a present to Cleopatra. 
Museum. Invention of parchment, the chief means of pre- 
serving the works of literature. 

Choiseul Gouffier Voyage pittoresque de la Grece Vol. 
II. 1809, contains excellent views as well of the history as 
of the monuments of Pergamus ; as well as of all the 
neighbonng coasts and islands. 



ill. PERIOD. IV. SMALLER KINGDOMS. RHODES. 301 

Sevin Recherches sur les rois de Pergame, in the Mem. 
de I'Acad. d. Inscr. Vol. XII. 

The republic Rhodes now had its most splendid period. 
After the fall of Tyre and the unsuccessful attack of Deme- 
trius 307 to the Roman dominion in the East 300 — 200 ; a 
republic eqially important for its wise poHcy, its naval power 
and its commerce. At the head of the senate there were 
presidents, wliose term of office was half a year, who were 
also the moderators in the popular assemblies. Friendship 
with all, but alliances with none, was their principle, til] 
Ro.iie made them relinquish it. Thus with independence 
and great political activity (where were their embassies not 
seen ?), and decent splendor (by means of arts and science) 
the dignity of the slate was likewise preserved unimpaired. 
What proofs of general sympathy did they not enjoy after the 
great earthquake, which overthrew the famous Colossus 
227 ? Their squadrons for a long time ruled the Aegean 
Sea. Their commerce embrace not only the Aegean but 
the Black Sea. and the western Mediterranean, as far as 
Sicily ; a profitable carrying trade between three continents. 
Their revenues flowed from the duties, taken in their ports ; 
till ambition blmded them, so that they wished to possess a 
district on the continent in Peraea, which the Romans soon 
contrived to turn to their injury by presenting them with 
Lycia and Caria 190. And yet their republic outlived the 
Roman ! In the internal history of Rhodes universal history 
has sustained a great loss. 

P. D. Ch. Paulsen Commentatio exhibens Rhodi descrip- 
tionem Macedonica aetate. Gottingae. 1818. A prize essay. 

3. The other small kingdoms of Asia Minor are 
rather fragments of Persian, than of the Macedonian 
Monarchy ; for Alexander, as he took a different 
direction, did not formall}" subject them. The 
series of their kings is usually traced back to the 
Persian age ; but their rulers at that time were 



302 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 

properly Persian governors, who, however, for the 
most part of the royal family, often had the title 
of princes, and on the increasing decline of the 
empire often refused obedience. But these king- 
doms do not appear as actually independent till 
after the time of Alexander ; and, as well in the 
Macedonian as in the Roman period, in connection 
with the Greek republics, Heraclea, Sinope, By- 
zantium, and others form a system of small states, 
which carried on many wars with each other, but 
were still oftener playthings in the hands of the 
more powerful. 

1. BiTHYNiA. Two kings of BIthynia are named as even 
of the f*ersian period, Dydalsus and Botyras. His son 
Bias 378 — 328 defends himself successfully against Cara- 
nus, a general of Alexander ; as well as his son Zipoetas, 
f281, against Lysiraachus. — Nicomedes I. f246. He called 
the Gauls from Thrace 278, and by their assistance dispos- 
sessed his brother Zipoetas, upon which they obtained places 
of abode in Galatia, but for a considerable time were very 
formidable for Asia Minor. Zelas f about 232, defended 
himself successfully after a war with his half-brother Pru- 
sias I., son-in-law and ally of Philip II. of Macedonia fl92. 
— He was the ally of the Rhodians in the commercial war 
against Byzantium 222 (see p. 290.) and made war on the 
Grecian city Heraclea in Bithynia about 196, which had an 
extensive territory along the sea. Prusias II. made war on 
Eumenes II. on the advice of Hannibal who fled for refuge 
to him 184, (who, when he afterwards wished to deliver him 
up to the Romans, put himself to death 183,) and Attains 
II. 153, in which wars Rome was the umpire. He even 
called himself a manumitted slave of the Romans, and was 
dethroned by his son Nicomedes II., f 92, the ally of Mi- 
thridates the Great, with whom, however, he afterwards fell 
out respecting the possession of Paphlagonia and Cappade- 



HI. PERIOD. IV. SMALLER KINGDOMS. PAPHLAGONIA. 303 

cia. He was murdered by his son Socrates, who was yet 
obliged to fly ; on which Nicomedes III. came to the throne. 
Displaced by Mithridates, who assisted his half-brother 
Socrates, he was reinstated by Rome 90. But as he, at the 
instigation of the Romans 89, attacked Mithridates, he was 
beaten and driven away by. him in the first Mithridatic war, 
which now arose, but on the peace 85 was again restored by 
Sulla. Dying 75, he bequeathed Bithynia to the Romans, 
which was in part the cause of the third Mithridatic war. 

Vaillant in Imperio Arsacidarum Vol. II. (see below). 

Sevin Recherches sur les rois de Bithynie in Mem. de 
I'Acad. des Inscript. Vol. XII. 

2. Paphlagonia. Even in the Persian age its rulers 
were for the most part only nominally tributary. After 
Alexander's death 323 it fell under the kings of Pontus, but 
again received kings of its own, among whom are known : 
Morzes, about 179, Pylaemenes I. about 131, who assisted 
the Romans in the war against Aristonicus of Pergamus. — 
Pylaemenes II. f before 121, is said to have bequeathed his 
kingdom to Mithridates V. of Pontus. Thus Paphlagonia 
was involved in the destiny of Pontus (see just below), till, 
after the fall of Mithridates the Great 63, it was made a pro- 
vince ; excepting the southern district, to which the Romans 
still gave some shadows of kings. 

3. Pontus. The later kings of this realm traced their 
descent from the family of the Achaemenidae, or the Per- 
sian house. In the Persian period they remained dependent 
or tributary princes, and as such we must consider Artaba- 
zes, the son of Hystaspis f 480, Mithridates I., f 368, and 
Ariobarzanes f337, who are usually named as the earliest 
kings of Pontus. INIithridates II. Ctistes f 302 at first also 
submitted to Alexander, and remained after his death on the 
side of Antigonus, who, however, distrusting him, caused 
him to be murdered. His son Mithridates III. f266 (in 
Memnon, his name is given as Ariobarzanes,) not only suc- 
ceeded after the battle of Ipsus in defending himself against 



304 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 

Lysimachus, but got possession of Cappadocia and Paphla- 
gonia. Mithridates IV., father-in-law of Antiochus Magnus, 
makes war on the republic Sinope, although to no pur- 
pose. The year of his death is uncertain. Pharnaces 
f about 156. He conquered Sinope 183, which is now 
made the royal residence. The war with Enmenes, now made 
so powerful by Rome, and his allies is terminated 179 by a 
treaty, according to which Pharnaces is obliged- to cede 
Paphlagonia. Mithridates V, f about 121. He was an ally 
of the Romans, and after the reduction of Aristonicus of 
Pergamus succeeded in getting from them Phrygia Major. 
Mithridates VI. Eupator, about 121 — 64. He bears the 
surname of great with the same right, as Peter I. in modern 
history, whom he resembled in many points, though not in 
his success. His reign, which is of the highest moment for 
the history of the world, is, especially before the wars with 
Rome, full of obscurities in the chronology. — When but 
twelve years old, he inherited of his father Phrygia in addi- 
tion to Pontus, and claims to Paphlagonia, now vacant by the 
death of Pylaemenes II. — During his minority 121 — 112, 
while he escapes from the treacherous hostility of his guar- 
dians by inuring himself to evil, Rome takes from him Phry- 
gia. He makes conquests in Colchis and on the eastern 
side of the Black Sea 112 — 110. — Beginning of the Scy- 
thian wars. Called by the Greeks in the Crimea to assist 
them against the Scythians, he drives them away, subjects to 
himself many petty Scythian princes on the continent, and 
moreover forms connections with the Sarmalian, and even 
with the Germanic nations, as far as the Danube 108 — 105, 
even at that time in the design of invading Italy from the 
North. — After this war he travels through Asia (Asia Mi- 
nor .^) about 104 — 103. — On his return and after the execu- 
tion of his faithless sister and wife Laodice, he makes valid 
liis claims on Paphlagonia, and divides it with Nicomedes II. 
102. When the Roman senate demanded its restoration, 
Mithridates not only refuses it, but seizes on Galatia also. 



III. PERIOD. IV. SMALLER KINGDOMS. PONTUS. 305 

whilst Nicomedes on the other hand puts one of his own 
sons, pretending that he is the son of Pylaenienes II., on 
the throne of Paphlagonia under the name of Pylaemenes 
III. — Origin of the contest with Nicomedes II. respecting 
Cappadocia since 101, of which Mithridates wished to take 
possession, after he had by means of Gordius put the king, 
Ariarathes VII., his brother-in-law out of the way ; but in 
this Nicomedes II. gets the start of him, and marries Lao- 
dice, the widow of Ariarathes. — Still Mithridates drives him 
out, under the pretext of keeping the kingdom for his 
nephew, Ariarathes VIII., whom he however puts to death 
but a few months after on a conference 94 ; his brother 
Ariarathes IX. he conquers 93, and upon this places his 
own son, pretending him to be the third son of Ariarathes 
VII., on the throne as Ariarathes X., against whom Nico- 
medes advances another pretended Ariarathes. But the 
Roman senate declares both Paphlagonia and Cappadocia 
free 92, yet accedes to the wishes of the Cappadocians, who 
elect Ariobarzanes their king, whom Sulla as propraetor of 
Cilicia instals in the same year 92. — On the other hand Mi- 
thridates unites with Tigranes, king of Armenia, to whom 
he gives his daughter, and causes him to expel Ariobarza- 
nes. — He himself, after the death of Nicomedes II. 92, 
assists his fugitive son Socrates Chrestus in opposition to the 
illegitimate Nicomedes III., and takes possession of Paphla- 
gonia. Nicomedes and Ariobarzanes are 90 reinstated by 
a Roman delegation, while Mithridates, to gain time against 
Rome, has Socrates executed. The first war with Rome 
89 — 85 arose through the attacks of Nicomedes, at the in- 
stance of Rome; it was conducted in Asia and Greece, and 
termi lated by Sulla. In the peace 85 Mithridates was 
obliged to give up Bithynia, Cappadocia, and Paphlagonia. 
— T-War against the revolted Colchians and inhabitants of the 
Bosphorus 84. — Second war with Rome, occasioned by the 
Roman governor Murena, 84 — 81. Mithridates upon this 
makes his son Machares king of Bosphorus (the Crimea), 
39 



306 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 

whom he afterwards 66 himself caused to be executed, and 
probably occasioned the migration of the Sarmatians from 
Asia to Europe, to maintain his conquests there, about 80. 
New disputes with Rome about Cappadocia, of which Ti- 
granes makes himself master, and third war with Rome 
75 — 64. It ended with the destruction of Mithridates, 
occasioned by the faithlessness of his son Phainaces, on 
which Pontus became a Roman province ; although the 
Romans afterwards gave a part of the country to princes of 
the royal house, (Darius, Polemo I., Polemo II.), till Nero 
again made it entirely a province. 

Vaillant Imperium Achaemenidarum in the Imperium Arsa- 
cidarum T. II. With the aid of coins. 

For the history of Mithridates the Great, which had pre- 
viously been treated with too little chronological accuracy, 
beside De Drosses in Hist, de la Rep. Romaine ; we have 
especially : 

Joan. Ernst. Woltersdorf Commentatio vitam Mithridatis 
M. per Annos digestam sistens ; praemio ornata ab A. PhiL 
Ord. Gottingae A. 1812. 

4. Cappadocia. Till the time of Alexander, it continu- 
ed a Persian province, although the governor sometimes 
attempted revolts. The ruling family was here likewise a 
branch of the royal house, and of it Ariarathes I. about 
354, was particularly distinguished. Alexander's contem- 
porary was Ariarathes II., who was however displaced by 
Perdiccas and Eumenes 322, and fell in battle. But his 
son Ariarathes III., assisted by Armenia, again got posses- 
sion 312. His son Ariaramnes formed a union with the Se- 
leucidae by marriage, for he united his son Ariarathes IV. 
with the daughter of Antiochus Theos. He, during his 
life-time, admitted as an associate in the government his son 
Ariarathes V. f 162, who married Antiochus, the daughter 
of Antiochus Magnus. She was at first unfruitful and sub- 
stituted two sons, one of whom, Orophernes, afterwards 
took the empire from the younger, genuine son Ariarathes 



111. PERIOD. IV. SMALLER KINGDOMS. ARMENIA. 307 

VI., but was again dispossessed by him 157. He fell as an 
ally of the Romans in the war against Aristonicus of Per- 
gamus 131, leaving six sons ; five of whom were put to 
death by his ambitious widow Laodice, but the sixth, Ari- 
arathes VII., ascended the throne. He was the husband of 
Laodice, the sister of Mithridates the Great, at whose in- 
stance he was murdered by Gordius, under the pretence of 
placing on the throne his nephew Ariarathes VIII., who was 
however soon deceitfully murdered by him 94, and whose 
brother Ariarathes IX. was beaten 93, and died of grief; 
upon which Mithridates made his own son, but eight years 
old, king, Ariarathes X. But when Cappadocia was de- 
clared free in Rome, the Cappadocians, to escape internal 
dissensions, begged a king for themselves, and elected 
Ariobarzanes I., who was put in possession by Sulla 92, and 
finally succeeded by the assistance of the Romans in pre- 
serving his authority in the Mithridatic wars, but 63 resigned 
bis kingdom to his son Ariobarzanes II., who was killed by 
the army of Brutus and Cassius 43, as was his brother 
Ariobarzanes III. by M. Antony 34. Who then appointed 
Archelaus king. He, having been allured to Rome by 
Tiberius A. D. 17., was murdered ; on which Cappadocia 
was made a Roman province. 

5. Armenia was a province of the Syrian kingdom, till 
the victories of Rome over Antiochus Magnus 190. After 
that, his governors Artaxias and Zariadras broke free, and 
there were formed the two kingdoms of Armenia Major, and 
Armenia Minor (the latter on the west side of the upper 
Euphrates). In Armenia Major the family of Artaxias 
ruled for eight (some say ten) reigns, till 5 b. Chr. — 
Among them the only remarkable one is Tigranes I. 95 — 
60, son-in-law and ally of Mithridates the Great, and at the 
same time master of Armenia Minor, Cappadocia, and 
Syria. But as he, in the peace of 63, was obliged to cede 
every thing but Armenia, Armenia became dependent on 
the Romans, till after 5 b. Chr. it was disputed between the 



308 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY, 

Parthians and Romans, of whom now tlie one, now the 
other would appoint a king, in order to protect their provin- 
ces. Finally 412 after Chr. it became a province of the 
new Persian kingdom. — In Armenia Minor the descendants 
of Zariadras reigned, always in dependence on Rome ; and 
after their retiring under Mithridates the Great, it commonly 
belonged to one of the neighboring kingdoms, till under 
Vespasian it became a Roman province. 

Vaillant Elenchus regum Armeniae majoris ; in the Hist. 
Imp. Arsacidarum. 

4. Besides these small kingdoms there were 
almost at the same time two large kingdoms formed 
in the interior of Asia : the Parthian and the 
Bactrian ; both were formerly parts of the empire 
of the Seleucidae, from which they broke free 
under Antiochus II. The Parthian kingdom, or 
the kingdom of the Arsacidae, 256 a. C. — 226. p. 
C, when it came to have its full extent, embraced 
the countries between the Euphrates and the 
Indus, and its history, as far as we are acquainted 
with it, may be divided into three periods. (See 
below). But on all which is not history of wars, 
we are so poorly informed respecting the Par- 
thians, that the most important points can hardly 
be divined. 

Chief points in the history and constitution of the Par- 
thian kingdom, a. The Parthian kingdom had its origin, 
like the ancient Persian, in the conquests of a rude moun- 
tain people, of a Scythian, probably a Tartarian origin, from 
Middle Asia, as its language and modes of life prove ; but 
it did not make its conquests so rapidly as the Persians. 
h. It extended itself at the expense of the Syrian kingdom 
in the West, as of the Bactrian in the East, without being 
able for a continuance to extend its dominion beyond th« 



ill. PERIOD. IV. REMOTE KINGDOMS. PARTHIANS. 



309 



Euphrates, Indus, and Oxus. c. Its wars with Rome from 
53 b. Ch. chiefly respecting filling the throne of Armenia, 
were for a long time unfortunate for the Romans. They 
were not conducted with success by them, till the Romans 
had discovered the art of forming a party within the king- 
dom itself, which was made easier by the unfavorable situa- 
tion of the Parthian capitals, Seleucia and the neighboring 
Ctesiphon, where was the royal residence, d. The division 
of the kingdom was into Satrapies, of which there were 
eighteen ; but it likewise embraced several small kingdoms, 
which retained their kings, as Persis and others, only that 
they should be tributary. The Grecian-Macedonian colo- 
nies also, especially Seleucia, in which the money of the 
Parthian kings was coined, enjoyed great privileges, and 
their own city governments, e. The constitution was a 
monarchy with an aristocracy, (somewhat as that of the 
Poles in the period of the Jaghellons). At the side of the 
king there was a high council, (Senatus, probably the Me- 
gistanes, so called,) which could depose the king, and pro- 
bably confirmed him as king before the coronation, which 
was a function of the commander-in-chief (Surenas). The 
succession was only so far established, that it was firmly se- 
cured to the house of the Arsacidae ; the numerous preten- 
ders to the crown, who consequently arose, created factions 
and domestic wars, which became doubly fatal to the 
kingdom, when foreigners joined in them. f. On the com- 
merce of Asia the Parthian dominion exercised influence, for 
it interrupted the immediate intercourse of the West with 
the Orient ; for it was a principle with the Parthians, to 
suffer no foreigners to pass through their country. This dis- 
turbance of commerce, however, did not probably take place 
till the third period of their kingdom ; for it was a natural 
consequence of their many wars with Rome, and the dis- 
trust which followed from them. Hence the East Indian 
commerce found its way through Palmyra and Alexandria, 
aod made those places prosper, g. Perhaps we are to look 



310 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 

in this circumstance for the cause of the absence of exces- 
sive luxury among the Parthians, compared with other ruling 
nations of Asia, notwithstanding their predilection for Gre- 
cian culture and literature, which was at that time extended 
over all the Orient. 

Series of Kings. I. Syrian period, repeated wars with 
the Seleucidae, till 130. Arsaces I., 256 — 253, founder 
of the independence of the Parthians, by the murdering of 
the Syrian governor Agathocles, on account of an insult on 
his brother Tiridates. Arsaces II. (Tiridates I.), brother of 
the former f216. He gained possession of Hyrcania, about 
244, confirmed the Parthian kingdom by a victory over Se- 
leucus Callinicus 238, whom he 236 even gained as a cap- 
tive. Arsaces III. (Artabanus I.) f 196. Under him an 
unsuccessful attack is made by Antiochus III,, who in the 
treaty 210 is obliged to renounce all claim to Parthia and 
Hyrcania, in return far which Arsaces assists Antiochus in 
his war against Bactria. Arsaces IV. (Priapatius) f about 
181. Arsaces V. (Phraates I.) fabout 144, conquered the 
Mardians on the Caspian sea. His brother Arsaces VI. 
(Mithridates 1.) f 136. He raised the Parthian kingdom, 
which till then had been limited, to the rank of a great em- 
pire, for after the death of Antiochus Epiphanes 164, by 
taking Media, Persis, Babylonia, and other countries, he 
extended the borders of the kingdom in the West to the 
Euphrates, and in the East beyond the Indus to the Hydas- 
pes. The attack of Demetrius II. of Syria, assisted by the 
revolt of the vanquished nations, ended 140 with his capti- 
vity. Arsaces VII. (Phraates II.) fabout 127. The attack 
of Antiochus Sidetes 132, was at first successful, but after 
Antiochus 131 was cut in pieces with his army, it liberated 
the Parthian kingdom forever from the attacks of the Syrian 

kings. 

II. Period of the wars with Eastern Nomades ; from 

130 53. After the fall of the Bactrian kingdom, which 

had served as a bulwark of the Parthians to the East, great 



i^f 



HI. PERIOD. IV. REMOTE KINGDOMS. PARTHIANS. 311 

wars arise with the Nomadic nations of Middle Asia (Scy- 
thae, Dahae, Tochari &c.) in which Arsaces VII. was slain. 
Arsaces VIII. (Artabanus II.) had in 124 a similar destiny. 
Arsaces IX. (Mithridates II.) f87. He appears by great 
wars to have restored tranquillity in the East ; but obtained 
a mighty rival in Tigranes I. of Armenia. Under him the 
first negotiation takes place between the Parthians and the 
Romans 92 with Sulla as propraetor of Cilicia. Arsaces 
X. (Mnaskiras) f about 76, conducted a long war for the suc- 
cession with his successor, Arsaces XI. (Sinatroches) a man 
of seventy years, f 68. Unsuccessful war with Tigranes I. 
By the internal wars, as well as those with Tigranes, and the 
formidable power of Mithridates the Great, the Parthian 
kingdom was very much weakened. Arsaces XII. (Phraates 
III.) f60, contemporary of the third Mithridatic war. 
Though both parties courted his assistance, and he had a 
difficulty with Tigranes, he yet observed an armed neutrality, 
and insisted, that the Euphrates should remain the boundary. 
Neither Lucullus, nor Pompey ventured to attack him. Yet 
the ruin of Mithridates and his kingdom 64 makes an epoch 
in Parthian history, for Romans and Parthians now became 
neighbors. — Arsaces XIII. (Mithridates II.) f 54, was displac- 
ed by his younger brother Orodes after several wars, and after 
the taking of Babylonia, whither he had fled, was executed. 
III. Roman period ; from 53 a. Chr, to 226 p. Chr. 
Period of wars with Rome. Arsaces XIV. (Orodes I.) 
f 36. Under him the first war with Rome, on the attack of 
Crassus, ended with his destruction, and the annihilation of 
the Roman army 53. This victory gave the Parthian 
power such a superiority, that the Parthians in the period of 
the civil wars often played the master even on this side the 
Euphrates in Syria, which they attacked 52 & 51. — In the 
war between Pompey and Caesar they inclined to the side 
of Pompey, and thus furnished Caesar with a pretext for 
his Parthian expedition, which was prevented by his assassi- 
nation 44 ; and in the war of the triumvirs and of Brutus 



312 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 

and Cassius 42, they favored the heads of the republican 
party. After its fall, they, at the instigation of the Roman 
general and envoy Labienus, and conducted by him and 
Pacorus (the eldest son of Arsaces), overrun all Syria and 
Asia Minor 40 ; but were driven back 39 — 38 by Ventidius, 
Antony's general, after a great effort, during which Paco- 
rus fell, and his father died of grief for his loss. Arsaces 
XV. (Phraates IV.) f A. D. 4, the contemporary of Augus- 
tus. He confirms his authority by murdering his brothers 
and their supporters, and soon after by the failure of Antony's 
expedition 36, which terminated almost like that of Crassus. 
But his further reign was disturbed by a pretender to the 
crown, Tiridates, who, after his defeat 25, was received by 
Augustus. Phraates averted the threatened attack of Au- 
gustus by returning 20 the standards, that had been taken 
from Crassus, although a difficulty afterwards arose respect- 
ing the appointment to the throne of Armenia A. D. 
2, for which reason Caius Caesar was sent to Asia, and 
ended the contest by a treaty. The subsequent fate of the 
king and the kingdom were chiefly influenced by Thermusa, 
a female slave, sent as a present by Augustus. She, to pre- 
pare the succession for her own son, induced the king to 
give his four sons as hostages to Rome, because he feared 
disturbances from them 18. (A common custom from that 
time, for the Parthian kings believed they could thus free 
themselves from dangerous rivals, of whom the Romans yet 
knew how to make use). But when her son had grown up, she 
removed the king, and placed this Phraataces, as Arsaces 
XVI., upon the throne ; but A. D. 4 he was slain by the 
Parthians, who upon this first elevated a descendant of Arsa- 
ces, Orodes II. (Arsaces XVII.), but he was soon after put 
to death for his cruelty. They then recalled the eldest of 
the sons of Phraates, who had been sent to Rome, Vono'nes 
I., and made him king, (Arsaces XVIII.), but as he brought 
with him Roman manners and luxury, he was expelled by 
Artabanus III. (Arsaces XIX. f 44) a remote relation, by the 



m. PERIOD. IV. REMOTE KINGDOMS. PARTHIANS. 313 

aid of the Northern nomades, A. D. 14, on which he at first 
gained the vacant throne of Armenia, but was soon dispos- 
sessed even thefe by his rival. Tiberius took advantage of 
the ensuing disturbances to send Germanicus to the East A. 
D. 17, fx-orn whence he was never to return. The remain- 
der of the reign of Artabanus III. was very unquiet, for Ti- 
berius took advantage of the domestic faction of the nobles, 
to support pretenders to the crown ; and the revohs of the 
Satraps, too, gave evidence of the decHne of the Parthian 
rule. — After his death a fraternal war ensued, for his second 
son Vardanes (Arsaces XX.) f47, who had taken Northern 
Media (Atropatene), kept possession ; and was then suc- 
ceeded by the elder brother Gotarzes (Arsaces XXI.) f 50, 
to whom Claudius ineffectually opposed Meherdates, who 
had been educated as a hostage in Rome. Arsaces XXII. 
(Vonones II.) was in a few months followed by Arsaces 
XXIII. (Vologeses I.), -j-QO. The appointment to the throne 
of Armenia, which he gave to his brother Tiridates, but the 
Romans to Tigranes, grandson of Herod the Great, occa- 
sioned a series of contests, which began under Claudius 52, 
and under Nero degenerated into a formal war, which on 
the Roman side was conducted by Corbulo with tolerable 
success 56 — 64, and ended with this, that after the death of 
Tigranes, Tiridates came to Rome and received the crown 
of Armenia as a present from Nero 65. Arsaces XXIV. 
(Pacorus) flOT, contemporary of Domitian. We only 
know, that he beautified Ctesiphon. Arsaces XXV. (Cos- 
roes) f about 121. The filling of the throne of Armenia 
involved him in a war with Trajan 114, in which this coun- 
try, as well as Mesopotamia and Assyria, were made Ro- 
man provinces. The victorious invasion which Trajan made 
directly after into the interior of the Parthian kingdom 115, 
116, on which he took Ctesiphon, and appointed Partha- 
maspates king of the Parthians, seems to have been render- 
ed more easy by the domestic disturbances and civil wars, 
hy which the kingdom had for a long time previous been 
40 



314 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 

enfeebled. Yet Hadrian 117 was obliged to give up all con- 
quests ; the Euphrates again became the boundary, and 
while he made Parthamaspates king of Armenia, Cosroes,- 
who had escaped into the upper satrapies, again gains the 
^. throne, which he seems from that time to have quietly occu- 

pied. Arsaces XXVI. (Vologeses 11.) fHO. The good 
understanding with Rome continued during his reign with 
Antoninus Pius. Arsaces XXVII. (Vologeses III.) flOl. 
Under him, the contemporary of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius 
Verus, there was war again with Rome respecting Armenia 
161, conducted by L. Verus in Armenia and Syria ; his 
lieutenant Cassius at last 165 gets possession of Seleucia, 
and destroys Ctesiphon. — Arsaces XXVIII. (Ardavanus, or 
Vologeses IV.) -j-207. As in the war between Septimius Se- 
verus and Pescenninus Niger he embraced the party of the 
latter, after the overthrow of Niger 194 he fell into a war 
with Septimius Severus 197, was beaten by him, and the 
Parthian chief cities were surprised and plundered. It is 
a mistake to give him a Pacorus for his successor, as Arsa- 
ces XXIX. His successor was Arsaces XXIX. (Vologeses 
V.) |216. Domestic wars among his sons, nourished by 
Caracalla. Arsaces XXX. (Artabanus IV.). He was at 
first a contemporary of Caracalla, who, to get cause for a 
war against him, asked for his daughter in marriage, and 
either, in consequence of the refusal of Arsaces, made a 
predatory incursion into Armenia ; or according to other 
accounts, as Arsaces consented and was conducting her to 
him, hewed down the whole train of the king with blackest 
treachery 216. After Caracalla himself had been put to 
death 217, his successor Macrinus made peace with the 
Parthians, But when afterwards Arsaces elevated his bro- 
ther Tiridates to the throne of Armenia, the Persian Arta- 
xerxes, son of Sassan, excited an insurrection, vanquished 
Arsaces in three battles, and, Arsaces having fallen in the 
last, made an end of the house and the dynasty of the Ar- 
sacidae 226. Thus he became the founder of the second 



SlI. PERIOD. IV. REMOTE KINGDOMS. BACTRIAN*. 315 

Persian kingdom, or the empire of the Sassanides. It was 
iiot a mere change in the dynasty, but a total revolution of 
the constitution. 

Vaillant Iinperium Arsacidarum et Achaemenidarum, 
Paris. 1725. II. Voll. 4to. The first part contains the Arsa- 
cidae ; the second the kings of Bithynia, Pontus and Bos- 
phorus. It is an attempt to arrange the series of kings by 
the aid of coins ; not without errors. 

Historich-kritischer Versnch iiber die Arsaciden-und Sas- 
saniden-Dynastie, nach den Berichten der Perser, Griechen, 
und Romer bearbeitet. A prize essay by C. F. Richter. 
Leipzig. 1804. A comparative investigation of the Orien- 
tal and Occidental sources. By this the dates in the pre- 
ceding are fixed ; yet in comparison with : 

Th. Chr. Tychsen Commentationes de Nummis Persarum 
et Arsacidarum ; in Commentat. Nov. Soc. Sc. Gotting. 
Vol. 1. III. 

5. The BactrJan kingdom arose almost at the 
same time with the Parthian 254 ; yet the mode 
of its origin was not only diiferent, (for it was here 
the Grecian governor himself, who made himself 
independent, and therefore had Grecians for his 
successors ;) but also the duration, which was much 
less 254 — 126. Solitary fragments of the history 
of this kingdom have hardly been preserved ; 
which yet seems at one time to have extended to 
the banks of the Ganges and the borders of China. 

The founder of this kingdom was Diodatus or Theodotus 
I. 254, as he broke from the Syrian sway in the time of 
Antiochus II. He seems to have been master of Sogdiana 
as well as Bactria. He also threatened Parthia, but after 
his death 243 his son and successor Theodotus II. closed a 
peace and alliance with Arsaces II., but was deprived of 
the throne by Euthydemus of Magnesia about 221. The 
attack of Antiochus the Great, after the termination of the 



316 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEfeONIAN MONARCHY. 

Parthian war, was directed against him, but ended in a peace, 
in which Euthydemus, on giving up his elephants, retained 
his crown, and a marriage between his son Demetrius and 
a daughter of Antiochus was agreed upon. Demetrius, 
although he was a great conqueror, appears not to have be- 
come king of Bactria, but of Northern India and Malabar, 
of which countries the history is now closely connected with 
that of Bactria, although all the accounts are but fragmen- 
tary. To the throne of Bactria Menander succeeded, who 
extended his conquests to Serica, as Demetrius estabhshed 
his dominion in India, where about this time, (perhaps as a 
consequence of the expedition of Antiochus III. 205,) 
there appear to have been several Greek states. Menan- 
der was followed about 181 by Eucratidas, under whom the 
Bactrian kingdom acquired the greatest extent, for after de- 
feating the Indian king Demetrius, who had attacked him, 
he with the assistance of the Parthian conqueror Mithridates 
(Arsaces VT.) took India from Demetrius, and annexed it to 
the Bactrian kingdom 148. He was, however, on his return 
murdered by his son, who is probably the Eucratidas, who 
is afterwards named. He was the ally and chief adviser of 
the expedition of Demetrius II. of Syria against the Par- 
thians 142, was therefore on the victorious resistance of Ar- 
saces VI. robbed of a part of his lands, and soon after over- 
powered by the nomadic nations of Middle Asia, upon 
which the Bactrian kingdom became as such extinct, and 
Bactria itself with the other countries on this side the Oxus 
became a booty of the Parthians. 

Historia regni Graecorum Bactriani, auctore Thorn. Siegf. 
Bayer. Petropol. 1738. 4to. The few fragments are here 
collected and arranged with great industry. 

6. The renovated Jewish State was a fragment, 
torn from the Macedonian Monarchy ; and al- 
though it was always one of the smaller states, its 
history is in many respects remarkable, for few 



^I. PERIOD. IV. SMALLER KINGDOMS. JEWS. 317 

nations have had so great an influence on the pro- 
gress of human culture. The foundation ot the 
independence of the Jews was laid subsequent to 
167 ; but its inner constitution was in a great mea- 
sure previously formed ; and its history from its re- 
turn out of the Babylonian exile is consequently 
divided into four periods: 1. Under the Persian 
dominion 536 — 323. 2. Under the Ptolemies and 
Seleucidae 323 — 167. 3. Under the Maccabees 
167—39. 4. Under Herod and his family and the 
Romans 39 B. C— 70. A. D. 

First period under the Persians. On the permission given 
by Cyrus a colony of Jews, from the tribes of Judah, Ben- 
jamin and Levi, of about 42000 souls, under the guidance 
of Zorobabel of the ancient royal family and the high priest 
Joshua, returns to their country 536 ; but by far the larger 
and more wealthy part preferred to remain beyond the 
Euphrates, where they had been settled for fifty years, 
and continued to form a numerous people. But it was very 
difficult for the modern colony to subsist, especially on ac- 
count of the controversy, which their intolerance in building 
the temple produced with their neighbors, and half-brothers, 
the Samaritans, to whom the new colony occasioned nothing 
but cost ; and who afterwards by building a temple of their 
own at Garizim near Sichem, about 336, not only entirely 
separated from the Jews, but laid the foundation to a con- 
tinuing national hatred. Hence they obtained an interdict to 
rebuild the city and temple under Cambyses 529 and Smer- 
dis 522 ; which was removed under Darius Hystaspis 520. 
It was not till Ezra 478, and Nehemiah 445 brought new 
colonists, that the colony gained consistency in its internal 
constitution. The country stood under the satraps of Syria ; 
but on the increasing internal decline of the Persian empire 
the high priests gradually became the actual chiefs of the 
nation. Yet even in the time of Alexander's conquests, the 



318 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDOSIAN MONARCHY. 

Jews are said to have given proof of their fideHty to the Per- 
sians 333. 

Second period under the Ptolemies and Seleucidae 323 
— 167. Palestine from its situation had on Alexander's 
death almost the same fate as Phenicia and Coelosyria, (see 
p. 256) as it was added to Syria. — Jerusalem was taken, 
and a great colony of Jews conducted to Alexandria by 
Ptolemy I. 312, from which place they extended to Cyrene, 
and gradually over all North Africa, as well as Ethiopia. But 
from 311 — 301 the Jews were under Antigonus. After his 
kingdom was broken in pieces, they remained 301 — 203 
under the dominion of the Ptolemies. Their high priests 
continue, of whom Simon the Just f291 and afterwards his 
son Onias I. f 218, who, by keeping back the tribute due to 
Ptolemy III., brought Judea into great danger, are the most 
known. — But in the second war of Antiochus the Great 
against Egypt 203, the Jews voluntarily submitted to him, 
and assisted in driving away the Egyptian troops, who, un- 
der the command of Scopas, had again got possession of 
the country, and the citadel of Jerusalem 198. Antiochus 
confirmed the Jews in all their privileges, and although the 
country, together with Coelosyria and Phenicia, was prom- 
ised by him to Ptolemy Epiphanes as the future dowry 
of his daughter, it still continued to remain under Syrian 
sovereignty ; only the revenues may for a season have been 
divided between the Egyptian and Syrian kings. — The high 
priests and self-elected ethnarchs or alabarchs stood at the 
head of the people ; and mention is now made of a senate 
also, the sanhedrim. But the defeat of Antiochus M. by 
the Romans, was the remote cause of the subsequent mis- 
fortunes of the Jews. The want of money, which the Sy- 
rian kings felt in consequence, and the wealth of the treas- 
ure of the temple, which had been increasing from the 
general tax for the temple and from presents, made the 
office of high priest under Antiochus Epiphanes venal j and 
thus disputes arose in the family of the high priest, by which 



III. PERIOD. IV. SMALLER KINGDOMS. JEWS. 319 

Antiochus Epiphanes immediately wished to profit, in order 
to subject the Jews, who by their privileges constituted al- 
most a state within the stale, and this he wished to effect, by 
imposing on them Grecian culture. The high priest Onias 
III. is displaced 175, when his brother Joshua, by purchase 
and the introduction of Grecian manners gains the high 
priesthood ; but he is in his turn displaced by his younger 
brother Menelaus 172. During the internal war, which 
ensued, Antiochus Epiphanes, (just then victorious in Egypt, 
see p. 247) provoked by the conduct of the Jews, who re- 
volted against his high priest Menelaus, took possession of 
Jerusalem 170, and the ensuing oppression of the Jews, 
who were to be hellenized by force, soon excites the revolt 
tinder the Maccabees. 

Third period under the Maccabees 167 — 39. Beginning 
of the revolt against Antiochus IV. by the priest Matathias 
167, who is at once succeeded 166 — 161 by his son Judas 
Maccabee. In several successful battles, supported by the 
fanaticism of his party, he defeats the generals of Antio- 
chus, who had himself gone to Upper Asia and died there 
164, and is said to have won the friendship of the Romans. 
Yet the object of the rising was not political independence, 
but religious liberty. Under Antiochus V. also, the revolt 
was successfully continued, as well against him as his crea- 
ture, the high priest Alcimus, 1 63, and when, shortly after 
Antiochus V. had been displaced by Demetrius I., Judas 
also fell, he was followed by his brother .Jonathan 161 — 
143. The death of the high priest Alcimus 160 opened 
to him the prospect of attaining that dignity, which he 
succeeded in gaining, as a war had broken out between 
Demetrius I. and Alexander Balas 153, (see page 250), 
as both courted his assistance, and he joined the side of the 
latter. He then ceased to be the head of a party, and be- 
came the acknowledged head of the nation, which still re- 
mained tributary to the kiUgs. This dignity, though he 
continued on the side of Balas, was after the fall of Balas 



320 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY, 

confirmed to him by Demetrius II. 145, to whose assistance 
he shortly after came on the great insurrection in Antiochia. 
Yet Jonathan 144 joined the side of the usurper Antiochus, 
the son of Balas (see p. 261) and also obtained by an em- 
bassy the friendship of the Romans 144, but was treacher- 
ously taken by Tryphon and executed 143. His brother 
and successor Simon 143 — 135 was not only confirmed in 
his dignity by Demetrius II. on his declaring for him against 
Tryphon, but was freed from tribute ; received the title of 
a prince (ethnarca) ; and is said to have coined money. 
Antiochus Sidetes also after the captivity of Demetrius left 
him in possession of his privileges, as long as he needed hifi 
services against Tryphon. But after the death of the latter, 
he had an attack made upon him 138 by Cendebaeus, who 
was, however, defeated by Simon's sons. When Simon 
was murdered 135 by his son-in-law Ptolemy, who wished 
to gain the government, he was followed by his son Joho 
Hyrcanus 135 — 107, who was obliged again to submit to 
Antiochus Sidetes, but after his defeat and death by the 
Parthians 130, made himself entirely free. The deep de- 
cline of the Syrian kingdom and its constant domestic wars, 
together with the renewed connection with Rome, made it 
not only easy for Hyrcanus to maintain his independence, 
but even to enlarge his territory by conquering the Samari- 
tans and Idumeans. But with him the series of heroes was 
at an end, and scarcely free from external oppression there 
arose domestic divisions ; for the previously existing reli- 
gious sects of the Pharisees and Sadducees, as Hyrcanus, 
offended by the former, who, as it seems, wished to separate 
the functions of high priest and prince, passed over to the 
latter 110, now became poHtical parties, of which the former, 
the orthodox, preserved as usual the great mass, the latter, 
as reformers, gained the rich by their looser principles. The 
eldest son and successor of Hyrcanus, the cruel Aristobulus 
107, assumed the royal name, but died 106, upon which his 
\''ounger brother Alexander Jannaeus follows him 106 — 79. 



1 



III. PERIOD. IV. SMALLER KINGDOMS. JEWS. 321 

His reign was almost one continued series of petty wars with 
liis neighbors, lor he wished to play the part of a conqueror ; 
and as he was at the same time so improvident as to em- 
bitter the powerful Pharisees, they openly insuhed him, and 
excited a rebeUion against him 92. This led to a bloody 
oivil war of seven years' duration, in which he, it is true, 
sustained himself, yet was so little able to destroy the adverse 
party, that when he, passing over his sons, the weak Hyr- 
canus, (who obtained the dignity of high priest,) and the 
ambitious Aristobulus, bequeathed the kingdom to his widow 
Alexandra, he advised her to join the side of the Pharisees ; 
who therefore during her reign 79 — 71 had the entire au- 
thority, and left her only the name. Embittered by this, 
Aristobulus endeavored but a short time before her death to 
obtain the sway, in which he succeeded, though she had 
named Hyrcanus her successor. But Hyrcanus, instigated 
by his intimate, the Idumean Antipater, (father of the fam- 
ily of Herod,) made war on his brother, with the assistance 
of an Arabian prince Aretas 65, and besieged him in Jeru- 
salem. But the Romans became arbitrators of the strife, 
and Pompey, at that time all-powerful in Asia, decided in 
favor of Hyrcanus 64 ; and as the party of Aristobulus 
would not submit, he made himself master of Jerusalem ; 
appointed Hyrcanus high priest and king, with the imposi- 
tion of a tribute, and conducted Aristobulus and his sons as 
captives to Rome, who, however, afterwards escaped, and 
occasioned great disturbances. The Jewish state, now de- 
pendent on Rome, remained so, and even in a still greater 
de<^ree, for Antipater and his sons made it a firm rule to 
attach themselves to Rome, in order thus entirely to banish 
the ruhng family. In 48 Antipater was appointed by Cae- 
sar, whom he had assisted in Alexandria, procurator of 
Judaea ; and his second son Herod who had the command 
in Gahlee, was soon so powerful that he could bid defiance 
to Hyrcanus and the sanhedrim 45. He sustained himself 
also through all the storms, which after Caesar's violent 
41 



322 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 

death 44 shook the Roman world, for he gained Antony ; 
ahhough the party adverse to the foreigner was powerful ; 
till this party put at their head Antigonus, the other son of 
Aristobukis, instead of the miserable Hyrcanus, and placed 
him on the throne 39 with the assistance of the Parthians, 
who at that time were so powerful. But Herod, flying to 
Rome, not only found a favorable reception with the trium- 
virs of the time, but was even appointed by them king. 

Fourth ])eriod under Herod and his family. 39 b. C— • 
70 A. D. Herod the Great 34 — 1 A. D. takes possession 
of Jerusalem and all Judaea 37, and confirms his authority 
by marrying Mariamne of the house of the Maccabees. 
Notwithstanding his severity towards the party of Antigonus 
and the family of the Maccabees, without whose extirpation 
Herod could never believe himself secure, tranquillity was 
so essential to the land, which was running wholly wild, that 
his government, for that reason alone, could be called a happy 
One. By the generosity of Augustus, whom after Antony's 
fall he contrived to win 31, his kingdom gradually embraced 
Judaea, Samaria, Galilee, and beyond the Jordan Peraea, 
Ituraea and Trachonitis, (or all Palestine,) whh Idumaea, 
from which countries he collected the revenues, without being 
tributary. The attachment, which he in return showed to 
Rome, was natural policy, and all, that it led him to do, 
could be reckoned against him only by bigoted Jews. For 
the executions in his family, the family itself was more to 
blame than he ; only the sword unfortunately struck the 
innocent instead of the guilty. The last year but one of 

his reign is received as the year of the birth of Christ*. 

In conformity to his will, with some modifications by Au- 
gustus, his kingdom was divided between his three surviving 
sons ; so that Archelaus, as Ethnarch, received the larger 

* That is according to the usual reckoning of Dionysius Exi- 
guus, made in the sixth century. According to the more accu- 
rate calculations made by modern chronologists, the actual year 
of the birth of Christ is probably to be placed four years earlier. 



III. PERIOD. IV. SMALLER KINGDOMS. JEWS. 323 

half, Judaea, Samaria and Idmnaea; the two others, as Te- 
trarchs, received, Philip a part of Galilee and Trachonitis, 
Antipas the other part and Peraea with Ituraea ; since this 
division the destinies of the several parts do not remain the 
same. — Archclaus lost his land for mal-administration as 
early as A. D. 6, upon which Judaea and Samaria were 
added as a Roman province to Syria, and stood under pro- 
curators, who were dependent on the Syrian governors. 
Of these procurators Pontius Pilate belongs to about 27 — 
36, and under him the founder of our religion appeared and 
suffered death as a reformer of the moral world, not as a 
poHtical reformer, though this was laid to his charge. On 
the other hand Philip governed in his tetrarchy till his death 
34, upon which his land shared the fate of Judaea and Sa- 
maria. Yet in 37 it was given by Caligula to Agrippa, (a 
grandson of Herod by Aristobulus,) for his attachment to the 
house of Germanicus, with the title of king ; and when An- 
tipas requested the same and instead of it was deposed 3U, 
Agrippa received his tetrarchy 40, and soon after 41 the 
former district of Archelaus, thus therefore all Palestine. 
But on his death 44, the whole country became a Roman 
province. It was added to Syria and received procurators, 
although his son Agrippa II. fOO obtained with the royal 
name Chalcis 49, and afterwards 53 the tetrarchy of Philip 
also. But the oppression of the procurators, especially of 
Gessius Florus from 64, brought the Jews to a rebellion, 
which ended 70 with the taking and destruction of their 
capital, and their temple by Titus. The previous dispersion 
of the Jews through the whole cultivated world was thus still 
more promoted, and the great extension of Christianity at 
the same time prepared and rendered possible. Even after 
the conquest Jerusalem continued not merely as a city ; but 
was still considered by the nation as its central point ; and 
the attempt to make of it a Roman colony, occasioned under 
Hadrian a formidable insurrection. 



324 FOURTH DIVISION. MACEDONIAN MONARCH*'. 

Basnages Histoire et religioQ des Juifs depuis J. C. jusqu' 
a present, a la Haye 1716. 15 Voll. 12mo. The two first 
parts only belong here ; yet the following ones contain man}' 
very valuable historical researches. 

Prideaux Histoire des Juifs et des peuples voisins depuis 
la decadence des Royaumes d'Israel et de Juda jusqu' a la 
mort de J. C. Amsterd. 1722. 5 Voll. 8vo. The French 
translation has in its arrangement many advantages over the 
English original : the O. and N. Testament connected in the 
history of the Jews and their neighboring nations. Lond. 
1714. II. Voll. 

J. D. Michaelis' translation of the books of Ezra, Nehe- 
miah, and the Maccabees, is accompanied by notes, which 
contain important contributions to history. 

J. Remond Versuch der Geschichte der Ausbreitung des 
Judenthums, von Cyrus bis auf den ganzHchen Untergang 
des jiidischen Staats. Leipzig. 1789. An industrious work 
of a young man. 

To the works cited above (p. 35, 36) for the eai'lier his- 
tory of the Jews must be added : 

J. L. Bauer Handbuch der Geschichte der hebraischen 
Nation von ihrer Entstehung bis zur Zerstorung ihres Staats. 
Niirnberg. 1800. 2 Th. 8vo. Thus far this is the best criti- 
cal introduction not only to the history, but also to the an- 
tiquities of the nation. 

In the writings of J. J. Hess which belong here, Ges- 
chichte Moses ; Geschichte Josua ; Geschichte der Regenten 
von Juda 2 Th. ; Geschichte der Konige von Juda and Israel 
2 Th., the history is treated from the theocratic point of view. 



FIFTH DIVISION. 

HISTORY OF THE ROMAN STATE. 



Preliminary information on the Geography of 
Ancient Italy. 

Italy forms a peninsula, which is bounded on 
the N. by the Alps, on the W. and S. by the Me- 
diterranean, on the E. by the Adriatic sea. Its 
greatest length from N. to S. is 700 miles ; greatest 
breadth at the foot of the Alps 370, but of the 
peninsula proper 150 miles. Square contents 
110,900 miles. The chief mountain is the Appen- 
ine, which goes from N. to S., sometimes inclining 
to an eastern, sometimes to a western direction, 
through Middle and Lower Italy. In the earliest 
ages of Rome it was covered with thick forests. 
Chief rivers : the Padus (Po), and Athesis (Adige), 
which empty into the Adriatic, and the Tiberis 
(Tiber), which goes into the Mediterranean sea. 
It is one of the most fertile lands of Europe, es- 
pecially in the plains ; but many mountainous dis- 
tricts admit of little culture. As long as com- 
merce passed chiefly on the Mediterranean, Italy 
seemed by its situation destined to be the chief 
commercial country of Em'ope ; but it made far 
too little u.se of this advantage in antiquity. 



326 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMANS. 

The division is into Upper Italy, from the Alps 
to the small rivers Rubicon and Macra ; (which, 
however, in the political geography of Rome was 
a province, till it acquired the right of citizenship 
under Caesar;) Middle Italy, from the Rubicon 
and Macra to the Silarus and Frento ; and Lower 
Italy from these rivers to the southern capes. 

1. Upper Italy embraces the two districts, Gallia 
cisalpina and Liguria. 

1. Gallia cisalpina or Togata, in contra-distinc- 
tion from Gallia transalpina. It bears the name of 
Gaul, because it was chiefly occupied by Gallic 
tribes. The land is one extensive plain, divided 
by the Po into two parts ; and hence the northern 
is called Gallia transpadana, (inhabited by the 
Taurini, Insubres, and Cenomani,) the southern 
Gallia cispadana, (inhabited by the Boji, Senones, 
and Lingones). From the N. the Duria (Doria), 
Ticinus (Tessino), Addua (Adda), Ollius (Oglio), 
Mintius (Mincio), and several smaller rivers, and 
from the S. the Tanarus (Tanaro), Trebia, and 
others empty into the Po. But the Athesis 
(Adige), Plavis (Piave) and a multitude of smaller 
mountain streams go directly into the Adriatic. 

The cities in Gallia cisalpina were chiefly Ro- 
man colonies, and most of them still exist under 
their ancient names. To this class in Gallia trans- 
padana especially belong Tergeste, Aquileia, Pa- 
tavium (Padua), Vincentia, Verona, east of the 
Athesis. — On the west of this river, Mantua, Cre- 
mona, Brixia (Brescia), Mediolanum (Milan), 
Ticinum (Pavia) and Augusta Taurinorum (Turin). 



GEOGRAPHY OF AXCIENT ITALY. 327 

— In Gallia cispadana : Ravenna, Bononia (Bolog- 
na), Mutina (Modena), Parma, Placentia (Pia- 
cenza). Many of these cities received from the 
Romans municipal rights. 

2. Liguria. It had its name from the Ligures, 
an ancient Italian nation, and extended from the 
river Varus, which divided it from Gallia transalpi- 
na, to the river Macra, and in the N. to the Po, and 
included nearly the modern territory of Genua. — 
Cities : Genua, a very ancient place, Nicaea (Nice), 
a colony- from Massilia ; and Asta (Asti). 

IL Middle Italy, includes six districts ; Etruria, 
Latium and Campania, on the W. side, Umbria, 
Picenum and Samnium on the E. side. 
1. Etruria, Tuscia, Tyrrhenia, was founded on 
the N. by the Macra which separated it from Li- 
guria, and on the S. and E. by the Tiberis, which 
divided it from Latium and Umbria. The chief 
river Arnus (Arno). It is for the most part a 
mountain country, the seacoast only is a plain. It 
has its name from the Etrusci, a very ancient na- 
tion, probably formed by an amalgamation of seve- 
ral tribes, and of the oldest Grecian colonies also, 
to which the Etruscans are indebted for their 
alphabet, but not for their arts. It is said, that 
their wealth and their consequent love of splen- 
dor were owing to their commerce and navigation. 
Cities : between the Macra and Arnus : Pisae 
(Pisa), Pistoria (Pistoia), Florentia, Faesulae. Be- 
tween the Arnus and Tiberis: Volaterrae (Vol- 
terra), Volsinii (Bolsena) on the Lacus Volsinien- 
sis (Lago di Bolsena), Clusium (Chiusi), Arretium 



328 FIFTH DIVISION. 



ROMANS. 



(Arrezzo), Cortona, Perusia (Perugia), which was 
the Lacus Thrasimenus (Lago di Perugia), Falerii 
(Falari), and the rich city V^eii. These twelve 
single cities had each its chief (Lucumo). Although 
frequent connections existed among them, it still 
does not appear, that a firm and lasting bond ever 
united the nation. 

2. Latium, properly the territory inhabited by 
the Latini, from the Tiberis on the N. to Cape 
Circeii on the S., which was therefore called Lati- 
um vetus. But afterwards they reckoned to it the 
territory from Circeii to the river Liris (Latium 
novum) ; so that in the N. the Tiberis, in the S. 
the Liris was the boundary. The Latins them- 
selves inhabited the fruitful plains from the Tiberis 
to Circeii ; but there lived around them several 
small nations, partly in the East, in the Appenines, 
as the Hernici, Sabini, Aequi, and Marsi; partly 
in the south, as the Volsci, Rutuli, and Aurunci. — 
Rivers : the Anio (Teverone) and Allia, which join 
the Tiber, and the Liris (Garigliano), which emp- 
ties into the Mediterranean. Cities in Latium ve- 
tus ; Roma, Tibur, Tusculum, Alba Longa, Ostia, 
Lavinium, Antium, Gabii, Velitrae, tlie chief city 
of the Volsci, and several smaller ones. In Lati- 
um novum : Fundi, Terracina or Anxur, Arpinum, 
Minturnae, Formiae. 

3. Campania. The land between the Liris on 
the N. and the Silarus on the S. One of the most 
fertile plains in the world, but at the same time 
highly volcanic. Rivers : the Liris, Vulturnus 
(Voltorno), Silarus (Selo). Mountain : Vesuvius. 
It derived its name from the nation of the Cam- 



'/ 



GEOGRAPHY OF ANCIENT ITALY. 329 



pani. Cities : the chief city Capua; further, Lin- 
ternum, Ciimae, Neapohs, Hercuhiiuini, Pompeii, 
Stabiae, Nola, Siirrentum, Salerniim, and others. 

The three eastern countries of Middle Ital}^ 
are the folio win 2; : 

]. Umbria. The boundaries are in the N. the 
river Rubicon, in the S. the river Aesis (Gesano) 
which divides it from Picenuni, and the Nar 
(Nera), which separates it from the countr}^ of the 
Sabines. It is for the most part a plain. The 
Umbri were, however, in earlier times, extended 
over a far larger part of Italy. Cities ; Ariminum 
(Rimini), Spoletinm (Spoleto), Narnia (Narni) and 
Ocriculum (Otriculi). 

2. Picenum. Its boundaries are on the N. the 
Aesis, on the S. the Atarnus (Pescara). The na- 
tion is called Picentes. The country is a fruitful 
plain. Cities : Ancona and Asculum Picenum 
(Ascoli). 

3. Samnium, the mountain district from the 
river Atarnus in the N. to Frento (Fortore) in the 
S. Beside the chief nation, the Samnites, a rough 
and powerful race of mountaineers, several smal- 
ler tribes lived here, as the Marrucini and Peligni 
in the N., the Frentani in the E., and the Hirpini 
in the S. Rivers : the Sagrus and Tifernus. — 
Cities : Allifae, Beneventum and Caudium. 

III. Lower Italy or Graecia Magna, includes four 
districts : Lucania and Bruttium on the W., and 
Apulia and Calabria on the E. side. 
1. Lucania. Boundaries; in the N. the Silarus, 

in the S. the Laus. For the most part a moun- 
42 



330 FIF^H DIVISION. ROMANS. 

tainous country. It derived its name from the 
Lucani ; a branch of the Ausones, the chief na- 
tion of Lower Italy. Cities : Paestum or Posido- 
nia, now celebrated only for its ruins, and Helia 
or Velia. 

2. Bruttium, (now Calabria), the western pro- 
montory from the river Laus to the southern ex- 
tremity of land at Rhegium. The E. limit is the 
river Brandanus. A mountainous district. It re- 
ceives its name from the Bruttii, (a serai-barbarous 
branch of the Ausones), who lived in the moun- 
tains, because the coast was occupied by Grecian 
colonies. Cities : Consentia (Cosenza), Pandosia, 
Mamertum, and Petilia. (See the Grecian Colo- 
nies p. 167.) 

3. Apulia. The country on the eastern coast 
from the river Frento to the beginning of the 
eastern tongue of land ; a very fruitful plain, espe- 
cially adapted to pasturage. Rivers : the Aufidus 
(Ofanto) and Cerbalus. The district was divided 
into Apulia Daunia, the northern, and Apulia Peu- 
cetia, the southern part, the Aufidus making the 
division. Cities in Apulia Daunia : Sipontum and 
Leuceria ; in Apulia Peucetia: Barium, Cannae, 
and Venusia. 

4. Calabria, or Messapia, the smaller eastern 
tongue of land, which ends with the cape Japy- 
gium. Cities : Brundusium (Brindisi) and Callipolis 
(Gallipoli). Of Tarentum and other Grecian colo- 
nies see above p. 168 and fT. 

To Italy are counted the three great islands : 
Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica. But in the Roman 
political geography they were not so considered, 



I. PERIOD. TO THE CONQUEST OF ITALY. 331 

but were provinces. Although tliese islands were, 
on the coasts, occupied by foreigners, they yet 
retained in the interior their ancient inhabitants, 
of whom the most known are the Siculi in Sicily, 
who Avere governed by their own kings, are said 
to have emigrated from Italy, and from whom the 
whole island bore its name. Of the cities on these 
islands, of which the more important were partly 
of Phenician, but chiefly of Grecian origin, see 
above p. 32, and p. 173 ff. 



FIRST PERIOD. 

From the building of Rome to the conquest of 
Italy, and the beginning of the wars iviih Car- 
thage. 754—264 (a. u. c. 1—490.). 

Sources. The most copious writer on the earliest history 
of Rome and Italy, and, except his hypothesis, which leads 
him to derive every thing in Rome from Greece, the writer 
who has the most pretensions to criticism, is Dionysius of 
Halicarnassus in his Archaeologia, of which only the first 
XI books to 443 are extant ; to which however we must 
add the extracts from the following nine books L. XII — XX, 
discovered in Milan, and published 1816 by the Abbe Maio. 
In connection with him we have Livy to Lib. IV. c. 18., 
from which place he is our chief authority till 292. Of the 
biographies of Plutarch there belong to this period : Romu- 
lus, Numa, Coriolanus, Poplicola and Camillus ; for the 
knowledge and criticism of the sources of almost greater 
importance than Livy and Dionysius. (See Heeren's Dis- 
sertations de fontibus et auctoritate vitarum Plutarchi, in 
Commentationes rcccntiores Soc. Scient. Gott. Comment. 



332 FIFTH DIVISION. ROIVIAN STATE- 

I. II. Graeci, III. IV. Roman! ; and printed separately as aij 
appendix to the editions of Plutarch by Reiske and Hutten ; 
Goitingae. 1821.) The sources of the earliest Roman history 
were of very different kinds. The traditions of the fathers 
were in part preseived in historic songs ; (we hear nothing 
of a greater epos ;) in this sense of the word there arose a 
poetic history ; but by no means for that reason a merely 
fictitious history. But the traditions of the institutions of 
Numa cease to have a poetical character. The art of writing 
in Italy was more ancient than Rome ; and it therefore re- 
mains uncertain, how far back the public annals went, as 
well as the libri pontificum &;c. Many accounts belong 
obviously to family history, be it that they were preserved by 
oral tradition or in writing. To these must be added the 
monuments, as well buildings and works of art, as treaties 
engraved on tables ; of which however too little use seems 
to have been made. The art of writing came to the Ro- 
mans from the Greeks ; and Roman history was as early 
and perhaps as often written in Greek, as in the Roman 
tongue, and not merely by Greeks, as first l)y Diodes of 
Peparethus, but by Romans, as by Fabius Pictor. From 
these latter sources Dionysius and Livy drew their accounts. 
Their earliest history, therefore, rests in part on traditions 
and poetry ; which are spun out still more by the rhetorical 
manner of writing history, especially of the Greeks ; but it 
did not rest exclusively on them. It is not easy generally 
to fix the period, at which Roman history entirely lays aside 
the poetic character ; even after the expulsion of the kings 
to the Gallic conquest there are several parts which bear 
marks of it. — For chronology the fasti Rornani, preserved 
partly in inscriptions, (fasti CapitoHni), partly in manuscripts, 
are of importance. They are collected and completed by 
Pighius, Noris, Sigonius, and others in Graevii Thes. A. R. 
Vol. XI. as well as in Almeloveen fast. Rom. I. II. Am- 
stel. 1705 &c. 



r. PERIOD. TO THE CONQ,UEST OF ITALY. 333 

Pichii Annales Romanorum. Antwerp. 1615. fol. 2 Voll. 
An attempt at a chronological arrangement. It goes to Vi- 
tellius. 

By moderns Roman history has been often and very co- 
piously treated. We mention only the more important. 

RoJlin Histoire Romaine, depnis la fondation de Rome 
jiisqu' a la bataille d'Actiura. (goes to 89 b. Chr.) continued 
and terminated by Crevier. Though the historical critic 
finds much that is to be questioned, yet this work was the 
first to raise the study. 

The 4th Part of the Universal History of Guthrie and 
Gray with Heyne's corrections. 

The history of tiie progress and termination of the Ro- 
man Republic, by Adam Ferguson, in 3 Vols. On the whole 
this is the best work on the history of the Roman republic. 

Histoire critique de la Republique Romaine par P. Ch. 
Levesque. 3 Voll. Paris. 1807. He, who is still bent on 
blindly admiring the fame of ancient Rome, must not read 
this work. 

[The Roman history, from the building of Rome to the 
ruin of the Commonwealth ; by N. Hooke.] 

Romische Geschichte von B. G. Niebuhr. Erster Theil 
1811. Zweiter Theil 1812., goes to 417 a. u. c. Almost 
more of criticism than history ; with a constant effort, to 
overturn what had been received. Acuteness is not always 
a perception of truth ; and it is not so easy to believe in a 
constitution, which is not only against the prevailing view of 
antiquity itself, (inferences from single passages do not at 
once overturn, what all the rest assert ;) but is also (accord- 
ing to the author's own confession H. p. 5) contrary to all 
analogy in history. But truth gains, even where criticism 
is mistaken, and the value of several profound investigations 
is not on that accoimt to be mistaken. — For examination : 

Die altere Geschichte des Romischen Staats, untersucht 
von W. Wachsmuth. Halle. 1819. 



334 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

Coramentatio de fontibus Titi Livii in prima historiaruni 
Decade, auctore C. F. Th. Lachmann. Gottingae. 1821. A 
prize essay. 

The works on the Roman constitution will be cited be- 
low at the end of this and the beginning of the third period. 

A multitude of the most important writings on the Roman 
antiquities are to be found in the great collection : 

Graevii Thesaurus Antiquitatum Romanarum. Lugd. Bat. 
1694 sq. XH. Voll. fol. and in 

Salengre Thesaurus Antiquitatum Romanarum. Venet. 
1732. 3 Voll. fol. 

Many excellent dissertations in the Memoires de 1' Acade- 
mic des Inscriptions. 

For the knowledge of the localities of ancient Rome, be- 
side Nardini Roma Vetus in Graevii Thes. A. R. T. IV. 
the best work is still : 

Venuti descrizione topografica delle antichita di Roma ; 
especially in the latest edition by Visconti. 1803. 

The best views of the monuments of ancient Rome are 
given in : 

Piranesi antichita di Roma. III. Voll. fol. 

1. The history of Rome is but the history of a 
city, in as much as this city, till the period of the 
emperors, was always the mistress of its wide do- 
main. The internal constitution of this city was, 
however, in its leading features, formed in this first 
period ; and considered in this point of view, the 
interest, which it may claim, is not to be lightly 
esteemed. Whether each of the fundamental in- 
stitutions of Rome had its origin precisely in the 
moment to which it is assigned, is a nearly indif- 
ferent question ; but they certainly had their ori- 
gin in this period of time ; and the course, in 
which the developement of the constitution pro- 



I. PERIOD. TO THE CONQUEST OF ITALY. 335 

ceeded, is on the whole without doubt correctly 
delineated. 

2. However much the earliest traditions of the 
Romans respecting their origin were adorned, 
all agree, that the Romans belonged to the peo- 
ple of the Latini, and that their city was a colony 
from the neighboring Alba longa ; although they 
were very early joined by Sabines ; and much was 
adopted from the Etruscans. It seems to have 
long been a custom of the Latini to advance the 
culture of their land by establishing colonies. 

The earliest history of Rome can as httle as that of 
Athens, or of any other city of antiquity, be reduced to 
strict historic truth ; for it in a great measure depends upon 
traditions, which were treated by poets and rhetoricians, who 
again differ very much from one another ; as is plain from 
Plutarch's Romulus. But as a knowledge of it, such as it 
lies before us in Dionysius and Livy, has such intimate re- 
lation to many other things, it cannot be passed over in 
silence ; and that it contains with fictions truths also, is most 
manifestly proved by the political institutions, of which 
they narrated the origin, and which certainly extend far 
backwards to these times. To wish to draw an exact di- 
viding line between the fabulous and historic age, is but to 
mistake the very nature of mythology. 

L. de Beaufort sur I'incertitude de cinq premiers siecles 
de I'histoire Romaine, nouv. ed. a la Hague. 1750. 2 Voll. 
8vo. All that can be said against the credibility of the ear- 
liest Roman history, has been set forth by Beaufort with 
much, often affected, acuteness. 

3. In the first 245 years from its origin this city 
stood under chiefs, who were called kings ; but the 
office was neither hereditary, nor unlimited, al- 
though they endeavored to make it both the one 



336 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

and the other. A municipal constitution was form- 
ed, which shows a considerable degree of political 
culture ; but which, in its principal parts, — as in 
every colony, — was probably a copy of the consti- 
tution of the mother city. The chief points in it 
are : a. Origin and organization of the senate. 
b. Origin and progress of the patriciate or here- 
ditary nobility of families, which, supported by 
the administration of the sacra, and the names of 
families, that had been introduced, soon formed in 
opposition to the Plebeians a political party, (of 
course no proper caste of priests,) which was con- 
stantly increasing in powder, c. The organization 
of the people (populus), and the kinds of popular 
assemblies (comitia), founded upon it ; for beside 
the original division by polls into tribus and curiae, 
there was afterwards a division according to pro- 
perty into classes and centuriae ; which gave oc- 
casion to the very artfully arranged comitia centu- 
riatain addition to the older comitia curiata. d. The 
religious institutions (religiones), which in the 
closest connection with the political constitution 
formed a religion of the state, by which every 
thing in the state was bound to fixed forms, and 
received a higher sanction. And e. the relations 
of private life, established by law, the relations of 
the client, of marriage, and especially of parental 
authority. By these strict domestic relations, this 
nation was from the earliest times inspired with 
a spirit of subordination and of order, which was 
the remote cause of its subsequent greatness. 

4. Notwithstanding many petty wars with its 
nearest neighbors, the Sabines, Aequi, Volsci. 



I. PERIOD. TO THE CONQUEST OF ITALY. 337 

several cities of the Etruscans and even the Lat- 
ins, Rome enlarged its territory but little. Yet it 
made its first advances to its enlargement, when 
after the destruction of Alba longa, it endeavored 
to become the head of all the cities of the Latini, 
and actually became so. 

Series of kings. Romulus 754 — 717. — First organiza- 
tion of the colony and increase of the number of citizens 
by the establishment of an asylum and the union with a part 
of the Sabines. Numa Ponipilius f 679. By describing 
him as the founder of the religion of the Roman stale, that 
religion acquired its higher sanction from its antiquity. Tul- 
lus Hostilius f640. By the conquest and destruction of 
Alba the foundation was laid for Rome's dominion over 
Latium. Ancus Martius f618. He extended the terri- 
tory of Rome to the sea, and the building of the haven 
Ostia shows, that Rome at that early period had navigation, 
though piracy perhaps more than commerce was its object. 
Tarquinius Priscus f 578. Of Grecian descent. Rome under 
him was now able to bear up against even the united Etrus- 
cans. Servius TuUius f 534. The most remarkable in the 
series of Roman kings. He placed Rome at the head of 
the confederacy of the Latini, and confirmed it by commu- 
nia sacra. The most important institutions, the Census, and 
the Comitia centuriata were built upon his new division of 
the people according to property. The want of this division 
proves the rapid advancement of the Roman class of citi- 
zens ; but with the division itself the frame of a republic was 
complete. Tarquinius Superbus (the tyrant) — 509. — Gaining 
possession of the government by force as the grandson of 
Priscus, he endeavored to gain strength by a closer union 
with the Latini and Volsci ; but by this means and by his 
tyranny offended ahke the commons and the patricians. Yet 
his expulsion, and the consequent revolution in the constitu- 
43 



338 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

tion are properly to be ascribed to tlie ambition of the Pa- 
tricians. 

Algarotti saggio sopra la durata de' regni de' re di Roma 
(Op. T. III.). Chronological doubts. Is the creating of 
difficulties the highest exercise of critical skill ? 

5. The abolition of the royal power was imme- 
diately attended by no other change in the in- 
ternal constitution of Rome, than the transfer 
of this power, quite as indefinite as it had been 
held by the kings, to two annually elected consuls. 
Still the contest, which the new republic had to 
maintain for its liberty with the Etruscans and 
Latins, contributed to vivify the republican spirit, 
(whilst the evils of the popular government 
were obviated by the establishment of the 
dictatorship in times of pressing difficulty ;) which 
from this time remains the chief trait in the Ro- 
man character. But the helm of government was 
exclusively seized upon by the party, which had 
expelled the ruling family, and the oppression of 
these aristocrats, especially towards their debtors, 
who had become their bondslaves (nexi) was, 
notwithstanding Valerius Poplicola had se- 
cured to the people the highest judicial power (lex 
de provocatione,) so severe, that in a few 
years an insurrection of the commons (plebis) 
broke out, which was followed by the appoint- 
ment of annually elected chiefs of the people 
(tribuni plebis). 

First commercial treaty with Carthage 508, in which 
Rome appears as a free state, but not yet as the mistress 
even of all Latium ; the most important monument for the 
credibility of the earlier Roman history. 

Heyne foedera Carthaginiensium cum Romanis super 



I. PERIOD. TO THE CONQUEST OF ITALY. 339 

uavigatione et mercatura facta ; in Opusc. T. III. cf. Hee- 
ren's fdeen &c. Appendix to Vol. 2. 

6. The further developement of the Roman 
constitution in this period turns almost entirely on 
the contest, Avhich the new chiefs of the commons 
conducted against the hereditary nobility, for, not 
content with protecting against oppression, they 
soon proceeded to measures of attack, and in a 
short time extended the object so far, that short 
of a perfect equality of rights no termination of 
the contest was to be expected. It was, therefore, 
necessarily a long one, since the aristocracy of the 
time had too firm supporters in the clientela and 
by means of the auspices in the religion of the 
state. 

Ciiief points in the contest: I. The tribunes, on the trial 
of Coriolanus, usurp the right of summoning individual pa- 
tricians before the tribunal of the people. — This gave rise 
to the comitia tributa, (either mere assemblies of the class 
of citizens, or at least so organized, that that class had the 
preponderance) ; which, by providing the tribunes with an 
opportunity of making propositions to the commonalty, ob- 
tained for them that share in the legislation, whicli afterwards 
came to be of such importance. 2. The more equitable 
division among the poorer class of people of the lands, 
taken from the neighboring nations ; (earliest leges agrariae,) 
occasioned by the ambitious designs of Cassius 486. 3. En- 
larged extent of the comitia tributa, especially for the 
choice of tribunes, by Volero 472. 4. Attempts to limit the 
consular authority by law, by Terentillus (lex Terentilla,) 
460 J which after a long strife, finally led to the idea of a 
general written code 452, which was actually brougiit about, 
notwithstanding this was at first opposed by the Patricians. 

Kampf der Democratic und Aristocratic in Rom, oder 
Gcschichte der Romer von der Vertreibung des Tarquin bis 



340 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

zur Erwahlung des ersten Plebejischen Consuls, von Chr. 
F. Schulze. Altenburg. 1802. 8vo. The most accurate in- 
vestigation of this part of Roman history. 

7. The code of the twelve tables in part 

449 1 . • • 1 • 

confirmed ancient prescription, but was in 
part perfected by the laws of Grecian republics, 
among which Athens is particularly named, which 
were sent for and consulted. But a double error 
was committed ; for not only were the commissa- 
ries for preparing the laws chosen exclusively from 
the patricians, but these commissaries were made 
the sole magistrates with dictatorial power (sine 
provocatione), and the way was thus prepared for 
an usurpation, which it required a popular in- 
surrection to overthrow. 
The power of the Decemvirs continued 451 — 447. The 
doubts, raised respecting the embassy to Athens, are by no 
means sufficient to shake confidence in a fact so positively 
related. Athens was then under Pericles at the head of 
Greece ; and if Grecian laws were at all to be consulted, 
Athens could not be overlooked. And why could not a 
state, which fifty years before had closed a treaty of com- 
merce with Carthage, and could not be unacquainted with 
the Grecian colonies in Lower Italy, send an embassy to 
Greece ? 

The fragments, still extant, of the code of the twelve tables 
may be found collected and explained in Bachii Hist. Juris- 
prudentiae Romanae ; and in several other works. 

8. By the laws of the twelve tables the juridical 
relations of the citizens were fixed upon equal 
terms for all, but as they seem in general to have 
contained but very little, which related strictly to* 
the constitution of the state, the administration 
remained not only as before in the hands of the 



1. PERIOD. TO THE CONQ,UEST OF ITALY. 341 

aristocrats, who filled all offices, but by the inter- 
dict of marriages between the patricians and ple- 
beians in the new laws, the wall of partition seem- 
ed raised between the two forever. No wonder 
then, that the chiefs of the commonalty, whose 
authority had been not only renewed, but increas- 
ed, and was limited only by the necessity of una- 
nimity, since each one had the right to intercede, 
immediately re-commenced their attacks on the 
patricians. 

Besides the other laws, which, on the renewal of the tri- 
bunicia potestas 446, were passed in its favor, the law, af- 
terwards so often repeated, ut quod tributim plebes jussisset, 
populum teneret, (by which in the language of modern rev- 
olutions the class of citizens constituted itself), would seem 
alone to make it all-powerful ; if the Roman history, like 
that of other free states, did not furnish examples enough, 
how little we can infer from the passing of a law respecting 
its practical application. 

9. The chief points of the new contest, excited 
by the tribune Canuleius, between the patricians 
and the commons, now became the law on 

443 

the connubia patrum cum plebe, and on the 
exclusive possession of the consulship by the pa- 
tricians, of which laws the tribunes demanded the 
abolition. The repeal of the first law they ob- 
tained even in 445 (lex Canuleia) ; bui the right 
of eligibility to the consulship was acquired only 
after an eighty years' dispute, almost annually re- 
newed ; during which time, if the tribunes, as was 
usual, forbad the military enrollments, they used 
the expedient of investing with the consular power 
the annually elected commanders in the legions. 



342 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

to which offices plebeians, too, were eligible ; 
(tribuni militum consulari potestate). — Establish- 
ment of the office of censors, who were at first 

443. 

considered only as persons, invested with full 
powers for discharging the mechanical duties of the 
census ; but whose office, after they assumed the 
censura morum, belonged to the most important 
in the state. 

10. While in the mean time Rome, as the head 
of the neighboring allied cities (socii), both of the 
Latini, especially since the victory on the 
lake Regillus, and of the other nations, op- 
pressed them, or at least they thought themselves 
oppressed, their continual exertions to free them- 
selves at every opportunity gave rise to an almost 
uninterrupted succession of petty wars, which 
must have depopulated Rome, had not this been 
prevented by the maxims adopted of increasing 
the number of citizens by freed men, and fre- 
quently even by the conquered. Little remarka- 
ble as these feuds are singly, they are very much 
so from having been the cause of making the na- 
tion a nation of warriors, and of establishing that 
supremacy of the Senate, the important conse- 
quences of which will be hereafter exhibited. 

Among these wars we must mention the last war against 
Veii, the most opulent city of Etruria, because the siege of 
it, which continued for almost ten years 404 — 395, led to 
winter campaigns and to the introduction of pay among the 
Roman soldiery, which first rendered it possible to carry on 
longer and more remote wars ; and again, on the other 
hand, higher taxes (tributa) were a necessary result of this 
plan. 



I. PERIOD. TO THE CONQUEST OF ITALY. 343 

11. Rome, nevertheless was soon after almost 
entirely swept away, by a storm from the North. 
The Sennonian Ganls, penetrating as far as 
Etruria from Northern Italy, made them- 
selves masters of the city, except the citadel only, 
and reduced it to ashes ; an occurrence, which 
impressed itself so deeply on the memory of the 
Romans, that few others in their history have been 
more spun out by tradition. Camillus, then the 
preserver of Rome, and in general one of the chief 
heroes of the time, performed a double service to 
his paternal city, for he frustrated, after the vic- 
tory, the project of an entire migration to Veii. 

12. After the rebuilding of Rome, the ancient 
contests soon revived in it. These were occa- 
sioned by the tributes, increased since the intro- 
duction of pay, and by the impoverishment of the 
citizens, which was the result of the high rate of 
interest. The tribunes, Sextius and Licinius, who 
first confirmed their power by a tribuneship of 
five years' duration, and Licinius, who by an agra- 
rian law, that no individual should possess more 
than five hundred acres of the public land, gained 
the favor of the people, finally succeeded in estab- 
lishing the principle, that one of the consuls might 
be chosen from the commons ; and although the 
nobility sought an equivalent for the sacrifice, 
which they were obliged to make, by the 
appointment of a praetor out of their means 
and of the Aediles Curules, yet the participation 
of the plebeians in the other magistracies (the 
dictatorship 353, the censorship 348, and the prae- 
torship 334,) as well as in the priesthood 300, could 



344 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

not fail to follow of itself in a short time, since 
they had made good their claims to the first. 
Thus the desired aim, the political equality of the 
commons and the hereditary nobility, was attained 
in Rome ; and although the distinction between 
patrician and plebeian families was still preserved, 
they necessarily ceased in a short time to be po- 
litical parties. 

A second commercial treaty, made with Carthage in 345, 
proves, that even at this time the navigation of the Romans 
was very far from being inconsiderable, although it was still 
mostly piratical. Roman squadrons are however frequently 
heard of in the next forty years. 

13. Far more important than the preceding 
wars, were those which now began with the Sam- 
nites. As Rome in the former had aimed princi- 
pally at attaining a supremacy over its immediate 
neighbors, these, on the contrary, by a contest of 
fifty years, opened to it the avenue to the subju- 
gation of Italy, and laid thereby the first main 
foundation of its future power. 

Beginning of the wars against the Samnites, when the 
Campani asked the aid of the Romans against them in 343. 
They were waged with various fortune and violent exer- 
tion, ceasing only to begin again, till 290. This is the true 
heroic age of Rome, over which the names of a Decius 
Mus (father and son, both offering themselves voluntary 
sacrifices), of a Papirius Cursor, Q. Fabius Maximus, and 
others, diffuse a lustre. For Rome, the consequences with 
which they were attended, are these : a. By them, the Ro- 
mans first became acquainted with mountain warfare, and 
thence a peculiar system of tactics ; not indeed, without, in 
321, passhig under the furcas Caudinas. b. Their relations 
with their neighbors, the Latini and Etrusci, were more 



r. iPERIOD. TO THE CONQUEST OF ITALY. 345 

firmly defined by the complete conquest of the former 340, 
and repeated victories over the latter, especially in 308. 
c. Particularly in the last period of the Samnite wars, when 
great popular alliances arose in Italy, they came into con- 
nexion with the remoter nations of the country, with the 
Lucani and Apuli by the first treaty 323, with the Umbri- 
since 308 ; although these relations frequently changed, 
these nations always striving after independence, and just 
so often becoming enemies. But still in this period, the 
leading ideas on the political relations, in which they plac- 
ed the conquered nations towards themselves, were practi- 
cally formed. 

14. But the attempts of Rome, after the subju- 
gation of the Samnites, to strengthen its pgwer 
in Southern Italy, gave rise to a war with a for- 
eign prince ; the Tarentines, too weak to protect 
themselves against Rome, inviting the assistance 
of Pyrrhns of Epirus. He came, not for their 
sake, but for his own ; but even his victories 
taught him that the Macedonian art of war gave 
him but a weak superiority, which the Romans 
were soon able to turn to their own side ; as a good 
army of citizen soldiers is always victorious over 
enlisted troops. 

The idea of inviting Pyrrhus to their assistance was the 
more natural, since his predecessor Alexander I. (see above 
page 282) had endeavored, though unsuccessfully, to play 
the part of a conqueror in Southern Italy. In the first war 
with Pyrrhus, 280 — 278 two battles were fought, the one 
at Pandosia 280, the other at Asculum 279, both unfortu- 
nate for Rome. But when Pyrrhus, after his passage to 
Sicily 278, (see above page 178) returned again to Italy 
275, he was vanquished by the Romans at Beneventura and 
compelled to withdraw from Italy, leaving a garrison in Ta- 
44 



346 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

rentum. But already in 272 the Romans gained possession 
of this city, by which their dominion was extended to the 
extremity of Southern Italy. 

15. The principal means, which the Romans 
used from early times to strengthen their authority 
over the conquered nations, and at the same time 
to p'revent an excessive increase of the need}' 
populace in Rome, was the establishment of colo- 
nies of Roman citizens, who were settled in the 
conquered cities, and at the same time served as 
garrisons. Each colony possessed its own internal 
constitution, which was generally modelled after 
that of Rome itself; and the maintenance of the 
strict dependence of the colonies was therefore 
the natural policy of Rome. This Roman colonial 
system, which necessarily sprung from their barba- 
rous manners, of depriving the vanquished of their 
lands and freedom, was brought to the greatest 
perfection in the Samnite wars, and gradually em- 
braced all Italy. In close connection with it, stood 
the building of the great military roads (viae mili- 
tares), of which the Appian was made in 312, and 
still remains a lasting monument of the greatness 
of Rome at that period. 

The number of Roman colonies in Italy amounted even 
at the time of Hannibal's invasion to 53. But many of those 
that were founded, were afterwards abandoned. 

Heyne de Romanorum prudentia in coloniis regendis ; in 
Opusc. Vol. III. cf. Prolusiones de veterum coloniarura 
jure ejusque causis in Opusc. Vol. I. 

16. But the relations of Rome to the nations of 
Italy, remained very various. 1. Some cities and 
nations enjoyed the full privileges of Roman citi- 



J. PERIOD. TO THE CONQUEST OF ITALY. 347 

zenship ; in part, however, without a voice in the 
comitia, (Municipia). 2. More strict was the re- 
lation of the colonies, (jus coloniarum), since the 
colonists possessed indeed their city constitution, 
but had no farther participation, either in the co- 
mitia, or the magistracies in Rome. The rest of the 
inhabitants of Italy were, either allies (Socii, foe- 
dere juncti), or subjects, (Dedititii). The first re- 
tained a. their internal constitution; but were oblig- 
ed b. to give tribute and auxiliary troops (tributis 
et armis juvare rempublicam). Their more mi- 
nute relations to Rome rested on the conditions of 
the alliance. These were the most advantageous 
.3. for the Latini, though each of their cities had 
its own alliance (jus Latii). And also 4. the other 
single nations of Italy (jus Italicum). On the 
contrary 5. the subjects, Dedititii, lost their internal 
constitution, and were governed by Roman magis- 
trates (Praefecti), who were annually renewed. 

C. Sigonius de antiquo jure civiuin Ronianoruni ; and 
de antiquo jure Italiae, both in the Oper. and in Graevii 
Thes. Ant. Rom. T. II. contain the most erudite inves- 
tigations into the particulars of these relations. 

17. The internal constitution of Rome itself, 
which was now complete, bore the character of a 
democracy, in as far as the nobility and the com- 
mons enjoyed equal privileges. But this democra- 
cy was so variously and so admirably modified, the 
rights of the people, of the Senate and the magis- 
trates, were so excellently interwoven, and had so 
firm a support in the religion of the state, which 
bound the whole to fixed forms, that there was 
cause to fear, at that time, neither the evils of 



34B i?IFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

anarchy, nor, what is far more astonishing among 
so warlike a people, the evils of military despo- 
tism. 

The rights of the people consisted in the legislative power, 
as far as the fundamental laws of the state were concerned, 
and in the choice of magistrates. The difference between 
comitia tributa (as independent of the senate), and centuria- 
ta (as dependent on it) continued in form, but lost its im- 
portance, since the difference between patricians and ple- 
beians, was little more than nominal, and by the establish- 
ment of the tribus urbanae, 303, the great influence of the 
populace (forensis factio) on the comitia tributa was pre- 
vented. The rights of the Senate consisted in the power of 
acting and determining upon all temporary affairs of state, 
whether they concerned foreign relations (war and peace 
only excepted, for which the consent of the people was 
usually necessary), or the finances, or internal peace and 
security. But the manner, in which vacancies in the senate 
were filled, must have made it the first political body of the 
world at that time. The rights and the rank of the magis- 
trates were founded altogether on their higher or less auspi- 
cia, because all public business could only be transacted 
auspicato. For this reason, he only, who possessed the for- 
mer, could exercise (suis auspiciis rem gerere) the highest 
civil and military power (imperiuin civile at miliiare) ; 
namely the Dictator, Consuls and Praetors, but not the 
others, who possessed only the latter. The union of mili- 
tary and civil authority in the same individual was not with- 
out inconveniences, but a barrier was opposed to military des- 
potism, by not permitting any magistrate in Rome itself to 
possess military power. Besides, as the Roman constitution 
was practically formed, and there never was a complete 
written constitution, we must not expect to find every thing 
accurately defined ; the surest way to fall into errors is, to en- 
deavor, nevertheless, to give a definite account of the whole. 



1. PERIOD. TO THE CONQUEST OF ITALY. 349 

Among the numerous works on the constitution or anti- 
quities of Rome, we note : 

La republique Romaine, ou plan general de I'ancien gou- 
vernement de Rome par Mr. de Beaufort. II Voll. 4. a la 
Haye. 1766. One of the most copious, and in the male- 
rials treated of, one of the most profound works. But it 
does not comprehend all the subjects. 

Histoire critique du gouvernement Romaine : Paris. 1765. 
Not without some ingenious views. 

Du gouvernement de la republique Romaine par A. Ad. 
De Texier, 3 Voll. 8vo. Hamburg. 1796. It contains se- 
veral investigations, peculiar to the author. 

A collection of learned researches into the single 
leading branches of the Roman constitution, such as Sigo- 
nius and Gruchius de comitiis Romanorum, Zamoscius de 
Senatu Romano, etc. may be found in the two first volumes 
of the Thes. A. R. of Graevius. 

Von den Volksversamlungen der Romer. Ein antiquari- 
scher Versuch von Chr. Ferd. Schulze. Gotha. 1815. 
Principally according to Niebuhr. 

Among the numerous manuals of Roman antiquities, 

Nieuport explicatio rituum Romanorum, ed. Gesner. Be- 
rolini. 1743. at least announces exactly what it pretends to 
contain. Those who pretend to treat of the whole subject 
of Roman antiquities have never yet risen above mediocrity. 
But so much the more happily has it been treated of, on the 
iide of law. We mention the two excellent manuals : 

Bachii Historia jurisprudentiae Romanae. Lips. 1754. 
1796. 

G. Hugo Lehrbuch der Geschichte des Romischen 
Rechts ; seventh Edition. Berhn. 1820. 



350 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 



SECOND PERIOD. 

Prom the beginning of the wars with Carthage^ to 
the beginning of the civil commotions, under the 
Gracchi. 264—134. (a. u. c. 490—620). 

Sources. The leading author for this ever memorable 
period of the foundation of the universal dominion of Rome, 
is, till 146, Polybius, both in the books, which we still have 
entire of his work to 216, and in the fragments. This 
author even Livy, b. XXI— XLV. 218—166, has often 
followed. Appian, who is to be named after him, contains 
not the mere history of wars. Florus gives nothing more , 
than a sketch. Of Plutarch's biographies, those that belong 
here are Fabius Maximus, P. Aemilius, Marcellus, M. Cato, 
Flaminius. 

Of moderns, one only ought to be mentioned here ; who 
would wish to be placed near him .'' 

Montesquieu Considerations sur les causes de la grandeur 
et de la decadence des Romains. Paris. 1734. 

1. The division of Italy laid the foundation of 
the dominion of Rome in that country ; the division 
of the world opened the avenue to universal do- 
minion. The first step cost much ; the others 
were taken rapidly and easily. The history of 
the contest between Rome and Carthage shows on 
a large scale, what the history of Greece did on a 
small; and all succeeding history confirms, that 
two republics cannot exist near each other, with- 
out mutual attempts at subjugation or annihilation. 
But the importance, the magnitude and the conse- 
quences of this contest, together with the aston- 
ishing exertions and great men it brought into 



II. PERIOD. TO THE GRACCHI. 351 

action on both sides, gave it an interest, such as 
no other contest between nations possesses. If 
both states were nearly equal in power and re- 
sources, yet the nature of these was very differ- 
ent. Carthage, besides the dominion of the sea, 
had a better filled treasury, and by means of this, 
as many soldiers as she wished. Rome, on the 
contrary, strong in herself, possessed all the ad- 
vantages of the state, that is purely military, over 
that, which is at the same time commercial. 

2. The first three and twenty years' war 264 to 
between these two republics, soon grew ^'^^^ 
from a small beginning to be a war for the posses- 
sion of Sicily, was thus extended to a war for the 
dominion of the sea, opened to Rome, on its gain- 
ing this dominion for a season by its newly cre- 
ated fleets, the way to an attack on Africa, and 
ended with the expulsion of the Carthaginians 
from Sicily. 

The cause of the contest was the garrisoning of Messana 
by the Romans 264. As Hiero of Syracuse passed over 
from the Carthaginian to the Roman side 263, the plan of 
the Romans was first definitely formed to expel the Car- 
thaginians from the island, and the victories at Agrigentum 
and the capture of that city 262 appeared to bring it nearer 
its execution ; but also showed the Romans the necessity 
of a naval power. The building of a navy in Italy, which 
was at that time well-wooded, is less remarkable, when 
their previous navigation is considered. These were not 
the first ships of war, which they built ; but only the first of 
a larger kind after a Carthaginian model. The first naval 
victory of the Romans was under Duilius, by means of the 
engines for grappling 260. The project now formed of 
transferring the war to Africa-, was one of the great Roman 



352 FlPl'H DlVlS10i\. tlOMAN STATE. 

ideas, which now became a leading maxim of state, to at- 
tack an enemy in his own land. The second highly re- 
markable naval victory 257, which opened the way to Africa, 
shows the Roman naval tactics in a very splendid light. 
But the unfortunate issue of the expedition to Africa 2^6 
again restored the equilibrium, and the contest for the do- 
minion of the sea was the more obstinate, the more fre- 
quently fortune changed. The decision depended on the 
possession of the eastern point of Sicily, Lilybaeum and 
Drepanum, which was constituted the bulwark of Carthage, 
and appeared impregnable from the time, when Hamilcar 
Barcas 247 was appointed to the command. Nothing but 
the cutting off of all communication with Sicily after the 
last Roman naval victory under Lutatius 241, and the en- 
tire exhaustion of the finances in both states, produced a 
peace on the conditions, that the Carthaginians 1. should 
evacuate Sicily and the neighboring small islands, 2. in ten 
years pay by instalments 2200 talents to defray the cost of 
the war, 3. not make war on Hiero of Syracuse. 

3. By the termination of this war Rome was 
placed in new political relations, which could not 
but enlarge the sphere of influence of the republic. 
The length of the war, not less than the manner of 
its ending, had begot a national hatred, such as can 
exist no where but in republics ; the conviction, 
that it was not possible to exist independently by 
the side of one another, became the more apparent, 
as the points of collision were now far more numer- 
ous, than before the beginning of the war; and 
who does not know the high feeling of every re- 
public, when the first great experiment of its 
strength has been made ? — And of this Rome, 

237 . 

in the midst of peace, gave a forcible example 
in seizing on Sardinia, But the influence on the 



n. PERIOD. TO THE GRACCHI. 353 

internal constitution was quite as great. For 
although not the least change was made in its 
frame, the power of the senate now acq> tired that 
preponderance, which in long and successful wars 
the governments of republics usually acquire. 

The first Roman provincial divisions were now made in 
a part of Sicily and in Sardinia. 

4. In the Adriatic Sea also the Romans soon 
found occasion to use their maritime advantage 
by humbling the piratic lllyrian state under the 
queen Teuta, and thus not only secured to them- 
selves the dominion of that sea, but came into the 
first political relations with the Grecian states, re- 
lations, which afterwards became of so much im- 
portance. 

The first lllyrian war began 230, and ended 22G with the 
subjection of Teuta ; but was renewed in 222 against Deme- 
trius of Pharus, who thought himself not sufficiently rew;ird- 
ed by Rome for his services in the former war. Even after 
he was driven away and had fled to Philip, 220 (see p. 290) 
Rome continued to have in him an enemy, and a more dan- 
gerous one than she had expected. — The Romans appeared 
by means of these wars as the saviors of Greece, which had 
suffered extremely from the pillagings of these pirates ; and 
while Corcyra, Apollonia, and other cities formally put 
themselves under Roman protection, the Achaians, Aetolians, 
and Athenians vied with each other in expressions of grat- 
itude. 

5. But whilst at this very time Carthage sought 
compensation in Spain for the loss of Sicily and 
Sardinia, and the jealousy of Rome had forced 
from it a treaty, by which it was not to extend its 
concjuests beyond the Iberus (see p. 84), Rome ^^^ 
had to sustain a new war with its northern 

4.5 



354 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

neighbors, the Gauls, which ended after a violent 
strugg;le with establishing the Roman dominion in 
northern Italy also. 

From the time of the first war with the Gauls and the 
burning of Rome 390, the Gauls had made repeated incur- 
sions 3G0 h 348, till they 336 closed a peace with Rome. 
But in the last period of the wars with the Samnites, on the 
formation of larger national alliances, they were often used 
by the Etruscans as mercenary troops, and they also came 
into connection with the Samnites. Hence their frequent 
participation in these wars 306, 302 and 292, till they with 
the Etruscans were obliged to sue for peace 284, after Rome 
had already sent its first colony to Sena into their territory. 
The peace lasted till 238, when the advances of the Tran- 
salpine Gauls again disturbed the quiet ; yet without engag- 
ing in war with Rome. But 232 the proposal of the tribune 
Flaminius flex Flaminia) for a division of the land, taken 
from the Senones, occasioned new disturbances, for the 
Gauls formed a union with their Transalpine countrymen, the 
Gaesatae on the Rhone, who were accustomed to fight for 
pay. As these crossed the Alps, the furious six years' war 
arose 226 — 220, in which, after the first overthrow of the 
Gauls at Clusium 225, the Romans penetrated into their 
country, crossed the Po 223, and after an entire over- 
throw by Marcellus compelled them to a peace, on which 
Roman colonies were established in Placentia and Cremona. 
— The number of those, capable of bearing arms in Roman 
Italy, amounted in this war to 800,000 men, 

6. Before the storm was entirely hushed, in 
which perhaps the policy of Carthage had not 
been wholly inactive, Hannibal had received 
the command in Spain. He cannot be freed 
from the charge, that he and his party began the 
war with Rome ; nor could Rome under the cir- 
cumstances of the time have wished for war ; but it 



n. PERIOD. TO THE GRACCHI. 355 

is not always the first, who attacks, who really be- 
gins. Hannibal's plan was the annihilation of 
Rome, and the transfer of the chief war to Italy 
could not but bring Rome from its equilibrium, for 
it was now obliged to act on the defensive, and 
Hannibal had all the advantages of the attack. 
The counter measures of the Romans show, that 
they esteemed the execution of the plan in the 
way, in wMiich Hannibal came, as utterly impos- 
sible. 

The history of this war 218 — 201, which no subsequent 
events of universal importance have deprived of its interest, 
must be given in three parts, the history of the war in Italy, 
of the war conducted at the same time in Spain, and from 
203 the war in Africa. — Hannibal invades Italy in the autumn 
of 218. — The battle on the Ticinus and the battle at Trebia 
took place the same year. — The battle on the lake Thrasy- 
menus in the spring of 217. — The seat of the war is trans- 
ferred to lower Italy, and Fabius, the dictator, adopts a de- 
fensive system towards the end of that year. The battle of 
Cannae 216 was followed by the taking of Capua and the 
reduction of a large part of lower Italy. The following de- 
fensive war of the Carthaginian had its origin partly in the 
plan for forming a union with his brother Asdrubal and the 
Spanish army, partly in the hope of foreign assistance, by 
means of his connections in Syracuse since the death of 
Hiero 215, and with Philip of Macedonia in 216. But 
both views were frustrated by Rome, for Syracuse was be- 
sieged and taken 214 — 212 (see p. 178) and Philip was kept 
employed in Greece (see p. 291). But after the Romans, 
notwithstanding his bold march upon Rome, had taken from 
him Capua 211, nothing was left him but the succors under 
Asdrubal from Spain. But he, on his arrival in Italy, was 
routed by the consuls CI. Nero and Livius at Sena, and fell 



356 FIFTH DIVISION. ROlMAN STATE. 

207 ; from which time the war in Italy was but a secondary 
war, for Hannibal only acted on the defensive in Bruttium. 

The course of Hannibal over the Alps ascertained by J. 
Whiiaker. Lend. 1794. 2 VoU. 8vo. The passage, it is 
contended, was made over the St. Bernhard ; other opinions 
are at the same time critically examined. 

Almost at the same time began the war in Spain between 
Asdrubal, Hannibal's brother, and the brothers Cn. h P. 
Cornelius Scipio, and was conducted with various success 
till 216, the decision depending chiefly on the dispositions of 
the Spaniards. — From 216 it was the plan of Carthage to 
\ send Asdrubal to Italy with the Spanish army, which was to 
be replaced by armies from Africa ; but this was prevented 
by two victories of the Scipios at Ibera 216 and Illiberis 
215 ; till finally these two sunk 212 under the superior power 
and craft of the Carthaginian. But the presence of the 
youthful P. Cornelius Scipio, who appeared not to his own 
nation only as a higher spirit, changed every thing, and the 
fate of Rome was soon attached to this ominous name. 
During his command in Spain 210 — 206 he won the Span- 
iards, and also defeated the Carthaginians, and, for the exe- 
cution of his great plan, formed connections with Syphax in 
Africa 206. Yet he was not able to prevent Hasdrubal'si 
march to Italy 208, which however left him able to subject 
all Carthaginian Spain as far as Gades 206, and by that 
means to gain the consulship on his return 205. 

The removal of the war to Africa by Scipio, notwithstand- 
ing the opposition of the old generals in Rome, and the re- 
turn of Syphax to the side of Carthage through the influ- 
ence of Sophonisbe, (which was, however, abundantly com- 
pensated by Masinissa, who had already been won in Spain,) 
was after two victories over Hasdrubal and Syphax 203, and 
the captivity of the latter, soon followed by the recall of 
Hannibal from Italy 202, and the battle at Zama 201 ter- 
minated the war on the conditions, that 1. Carthage should 
retain only its territory in Africa with its constitution ; 2. de* 



II. PERIOD. TO THE GRACCHI. 357 

liver up all ships of war except 10 triremes and all ele- 
phants ; 3. pay by fixed instalments 10,000 talents ; 4. be- 
gin no war without the consent of Rome ; 5. give every 
thing back to Masinissa, which he or his ancestors had ever 
possessed, whether houses, cities, or lands. — The usual re- 
proach, made to the Carthaginians, that they did not support 
Hannibal, is done away, when we follow their plan, carefully 
devised and pursued from 21G with great firmness, of send- 
ing the Spanish army to Italy, and supplying its place by 
Africans; and the party of the Barcas in Carthage plainly 
had still the upper hand at the end of the war. But why 
they, who in the peace delivered up 500 ships of war, suf- 
fered Scipio to cross over from Sicily, without sending a 
single ship against him, is hard to be explained. 

7. Notwithstanding the loss of men and the de- 
solation of Italy, Rome was far more powerful at 
the end of this war, than at its beginning. Not 
the dominion over Italy only was confirmed ; large 
foreign countries had been taken, and the domin- 
ion of the sea secured by the annihilation of the 
Carthaginian naval power. The form of the con- 
stitution was, it is true, not changed ; but its spirit 
was essentially ; for the power of the senate be- 
came almost unlimited ; and notwithstanding the 
dawn of culture, which broke upon Rome after its 
acquaintance with the cultivated nations of anti- 
quity, the state became more and more a military 
state. Now for the first time in the history of the 
world we have the fearful phenomenon of a 
great military republic ; and the history of the 
next period, in which Rome overturns all neigh- 
boring thrones and republics, also gave a proof, 
that such a state is the natural enemy of the inde- 
pendence of all states, which its arm can reach. — 



358 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

The causes, why Rome now desired universal do- 
minion, lay neither in its geographical situation, 
which seemed rather unfavorable for a power, that 
would conquer by its armies ; nor in the will of 
the people, which was disinclined even to the first 
war against Philip, but exclusively in the spirit of 
its government. But the means by which it at- 
tained its end, are to be sought not merely in the 
excellence of its armies and its commanders, but 
quite as much in the firmness and adroitness of its 
policy, with which it frustrated every great union 
against itself, though there were not wanting adver- 
saries who endeavored to effect such unions. And 
where was there ever a council of state, in which 
such a mass of practical political knowledge could 
be found, as in the Roman Senate from the nature of 
its organization ? — Yet all this would not have been 
sufficient to subject the world, had not Rome been 
assisted by the want of good constitutions and a 
degenerate art of war in the remaining kingdoms, 
and a deeply corrupt state of morals among the 
rulers and the nations of the exterior. 

View of the political relations of the world at that time. 
In the West Sicily, (in its whole extent since 212), Sardinia 
and Corsica since 237, and Spain, divided into hither and 
further, (though the latter more in name than in reality), 
since 206, were Roman provinces ; the dependence of Car- 
thage since the last peace was already secured by the alli- 
ance with Masinissa ; and Gallia cisalpina as a province 
served as a bulwark against the attacks of the northern bar- 
barians. On the contrary in the East the Macedonian king- 
doms, with the Grecian republics, formed a system of states, 
of which the mutual relations were very complicated, and 
those with Rome were formed since the Illyrian war 230 and 



II. PERIOD. TO THE GRACCHI. 359 

Philip's union with Hannibal 214. Of three powers of the 
first rank, Macedonia, Syria, and Egypt, the two former 
were united against the latter, which in its turn had a good 
understanding with Rome ; the states of the second rank, 
which Rome constantly endeavored to gain for itself, in 
order the more boldly to meet those of the first, the Aetolian 
league, the kings of Pergamus, and the republic Rhodes, 
and several smaller ones, as Athens, were from the time of 
the alliance against Philip 211 the allies of Rome. — The 
Achaian league, on the contrary, was in the Macedonian 
interests. 

8. The declaration of war against Philip of Ma- 
cedonia immediately followed, notwithstand- 

. . . 200. 

ing the opposition of the tribunes of the peo- 
ple, and the attack upon Macedonia, — for it from 
this time continued an established maxim, to attack 
the enemy on his own soil, — was made without 
delay, though they were still unable to drive Philip 
at once from Epirus and Thessal} % the bulwarks 
of his country-. But in T. Quintius Flaminius, 
who appeared against Philip in the part of 
liberator of Greece, and by his continuing politi- 
cal influence was the true founder of the Roman 
power in the East, Rome found the statesman and 
general, such as suit only an age of great revolu- 
tions. Who better understood the art of playing 
with men and nations, even while they erected 
altars to him ? He continued to throw around him- 
self by arts the dazzling light of a superior genius, 
which nature had gathered round Scipio, and he has 
almost deceived history itself The war between 
him and Philip was more a war of talents than 

197. 

of arms : and even before the battle of Cyno- 



360 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

cephalae g^ave the final decision, the Romans, 
by winning the Achaians, had long had the 
superiority on their side 

The negotiations since 214 between Rome and Macedo- 
nia give the first striking proofs at once of the firmness and 
the adroitness of the Roman policy, and are the more re- 
markable, as by the alliance with the Aetolians and others 
211 (see p. 291) the seed for all the subsequent events in 
the East was sown. The system of the Romans, to take 
the weak as allies under their protection, could not but fur- 
nish them with an opportunity for a war with the more 
powerful, so soon as they wanted it ; and, notwithstanding 
the peace closed with Philip 204, this was now the case. 
In the war itself, which was carried on by land and sea, the 
entire expulsion of Philip from Greece was properly the 
object of the Romans. (The allies on each side, and the 
conditions of peace, quite analagous to those with Carthage, 
see p. 292). The annihilation of the naval power of the 
vanquished on concluding peace, was now a maxim of Ro- 
man policy, by which Rome maintained the indispensably 
necessary dominion of the sea without large fleets of its 
own, and without losing its essential character of placing its 
strength in its land forces. 

9. The expulsion of Philip from Greet'.e placed 
this land in a state of dependence upon Home, 
which could not better be secured than by the 
gift of liberty, which T. Quintius made the Greeks 
at the Isthmian games ; and the system of 
supervision, which the Romans had already 
established in the West over Carthage and Nu- 
midia, was now applied in the East to Greece and 
Macedonia. Roman embassies, which were sent 
into the allied countries, were the chief means, 
used for keeping up this supervision, which, how- 



n. PERIOD. TO THE GRACCHI. 361 

ever, soon became troublesome to the Greeks, 
especially to the head-strong Aetolians, the more 
as the Romans made no kind of haste to with- 
draw their army from the free countr}. 

Freedom was properly given to those states, which had 
been on Phihp's side ; viz. the Achaians ; with the others 
it came of course — Yet the Roman army did not till after 
three years 194 withdraw from Greece and the fortresses, 
and the conduct of Flaminius in this period shows the char- 
acter of the man. The Greeks needed such a guardian, if 
they were to have peace ; yet his conduct in the war against 
Nabis 195 shows, that he was least of all concerned for the 
preservation of tranquillity in Greece. 

10. By the peace with Philip the seeds of a 
new and greater war with Syria were sown, which 
at that time could not but have been regarded as 
unavoidable, although it did not break out till after 
six years. There are in the whole compass of 
history few peiiods of a greater crisis, than the 
crisis in these six years. The fall of Carthage 
and Macedonia showed the world, what was to be 
expected of Rome ; and great men were not want- 
ing, who possessed both wisdom and power, to 
devise a scheme of resistance. The danger of a 
great union between Carthage and Syria, perhaps 
Macedonia also, for which Hannibal, now at the 
head of the Carthaginian state, strove with all the 
zeal that his hatred of Rome could inspire, and to 
which the accession of several smaller states might 
be anticipated, had never been so great as at this 
time ; yet Rome frustrated this coalition by a pol- 
icy, equally decided and crafty. It drove 
Hannibal from Carthage, kept Philip at bay 
46 



362 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

with small advantages, was active in the petty 
states by its ambassadors, and found in Syria ex- 
cellent support in the court intrigues. Antiochus 
was thus thrown on his own resources, with the 
exception of the Aetolians and a few other weak 
allies in Greece, whilst the Romans derived essen- 
tial advantages from their allies, especially the 
Rhodians and Eumenes. 

The first point of dispute between the Romans and An- 
tiochus was the freedom of the Greeks, which the former 
desired to extend to the Asiatic cities, especially those which 
Philip possessed, and Antiochus had occupied ; whilst An- 
tiochus demanded, that they should not interfere in Asiatic 
concerns ; — the second point was, the occupation of the 
Thracian Chersonesus by Antiochus 196, on account of 
ancient claims, the Romans on the contrary refusing to bear 
with him in Europe. The contest began 196, but was not 
lively, till by Hannibal's flight to Antiochus 195, and the 
fury and excitement of the Aetolians, the prospect on all 
sides was darkened. How fortunate for Rome, that Hanni- 
bal and Antiochus could nut understand each other ! 

Heyne de foederum ad Romanorum opes imminuendas 
initorum eventis eorumque causis ; in Opusc. Vol. III. 

11. The war itself was sooner decided than the 
Macedonian, for Antiochus adopted partial 
measures. After he had been driven from 
Greece by Glabrio, and three naval victories had 
opened to Rome the way to Asia, he wished to 
act on the defensive ; but in the battle at Magne- 
sia on the Sipylus, L. Scipio reaped the lau- 
rels, which belonged far more to Glabrio. 
The entire expulsion of Antiochus from Asia Mi- 
nor became before the victory the object of the 
war, and by the conditions of peace (see p. 246.) 



n. PERIOD. TO THE GRACCHI. 363 

care was taken, not merely to weaken Antiochus, 
but to keep him in dependence. 

During this great contest in the East, the murderous wars 
in the West since 201 continued in Spain, where the elder 
Cato 195 commanded, and since 193 the wars in Italy itself 
against the Ligurians. Whatever may be said of the means 
of increasing the Roman citizens, it is still hard to compre- 
hend, how they were able, not only to meet all these de- 
mands on their strength, but even continually to send out 
new colonies. 

12. Even cfter the decision of this contest 
Rome with wonderful moderation avoided appear- 
ing in the form of a conqueror ; it pretended to 
have fought only for the freedom of the Greeks 
and for its allies. Without taking for itself a foot 
of land, it divided the conquered Asia Minor, with 
the exception of the Greek cities, between Eu- 
menes and the Rhodians ; and at the same time 
showed, in its treatment of the Aetolians, who at 
last after long entreaties were permitted to pur- 
chase peace, that it knew how to punish its re- 
bellious allies. — The war upon the Gauls in 
Asia Minor was as necessary for the preservation 
of the tranquillity of the countr}-, as the manner, 
in which it was conducted, was injurious for Ro- 
man manners and discipline. The art of forcing 
contributions was here acquired. 

13. Thus within ten years the Roman au- 200 to 
thority was established in the East, and the ^^^' 
form of things was in general entirely changed. 
Not yet the mistress, but the umpire of the world, 
the claims ot Rome were acknowledged from the 
Atlantic to the Euphrates ; the power of three 



364 FIFTH ftlVISlON. ROWAN STA'fE. 

leading states was so completely broken, that they 
could not even begin a war without Rome's per- 
mission, the fourth, Egypt, had in 201 put itself 
under Roman guardianship (see p. 265), and the 
weaker followed of course, for they all esteemed 
it an honor to be called the allies of Rome. Upon 
this name, with which the nations were subjected, 
while they were lulled to sleep, Rome founded this 
new political system, and supported it, partly by 
constantly exciting and favoring the weaker against 
the stronger, however unjust the pretensions of 
the former might be, partly by the factions which 
it contrived to form in all, even in the smallest 
states. 

Universally active as was the Roman policy by means of 
their embassies, they still had under special inspection Car- 
thage, against which they encouraged Masinissa, the Achaian 
league, against which they favored the Spartans, and Philip 
of Macedonia, against whom they supported any one, who 
would make complaint. See p. 87. 293. 294. 

14. On the interior of Rome these altered rela- 
tions, and this acquaintance with foreign nations, 
although attended by a gradual increase and ex- 
tension of scientific and polite culture, had in many 
respects an injurious influence. The introduction 
of the disgraceful Bacchanalia, which were disco- 
vered and prohibited, shows, how easily gross 
vices make their way among a nation, which 
owes its boasted morality to a want of knowledge 
of them. Among the higher classes the spirit of 
cabals showed itself in a striking manner in the 
attack, which the elder Cato, whose restless acti- 
vity was forever but the instrument of his hateful 



il. PERIOD. TO THE GRACCHI. 366 

passions, made upon the Scipios. His strict 
censorship did not compensate the injury, 
which was done by his own immorality, and his 
poisonous policy. 

Voluntary exile of Scipio Africanus to Linternum 167, 
where he died 183, in the very year in which Hannibal 
fell under the persecution of Rome. Even his brother, L. 
Scipio Asiaticus could not escape accusation and condem- 
nation 185. — Extraordinary results might have been expect- 
ed from the removal of these great men ; but in a state, 
where the government was in the hands of a body like the 
Roman senate, the removal of individuals is of httle mo- 
ment. 

15. New disputes with Philip of Macedonia, 
since 185, who soon did but too well feel, that he 
had been spared, only as long as he had been 
needed. Although the breaking out of the war 
was at first delayed by his younger son, and the 
plans which they had with him in Rome, and 
then by the death of Philip, still their hatred 
constantly increased under his successor Perseus, 
notwithstanding the renewal of the league ; 

172 

till the war finally broke out. (See p. 296.) 

The first causes of the contest with Philip were given by 
the very same small conquests in Athamania and Thessaly, 
which, during the war with Antiochus, Philip had been per- 
mitted to make. Yet Philip was troubled by the manner of 
procedure of the Roman commission 184, before which he, 
a king, was obHged to appear as an accused person, more 
than by the subject in dispute. The exclamation, forced 
from him by his rage, " the evening of all days was not yet 
come," shows his intentions even at that time. — The period 
to the breaking out of the war was for Rome any thing but 
a peaceful interval. Besides the war in Spain and Lignria, 



366 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

which continued ahnost without interruption, the insurrec- 
tions as well in Istria 178, as in Sardinia and Corsica 176, 
occasioned highly bloody wars. 

16. The second Macedonian war, which ended 
with the fall of Perseus and his kingdom (see 
p. 296), called forth the whole activity of the 

Roman policy, to prevent a powerful coalition, for 
Perseus on his side used ever}^ effort to acquire for 
himself allies not only in Greece, Thrace and Illy- 
ria, but also in Carthage and Asia. At this time 
where were not Roman envoys to be found } — They 
also succeeded so far, though not entirely, in iso- 
lating him, that his alliances did but prepare for 
them new triumphs. Epirus, which was plun- 
dered, and Gentius of Illyria, had to suffer 
severely, and those of the Roman allies who had 
remained neutral, the Rhodians and Eumenes, had 
to feel in earnest, that they were but the creatures 
of Rome. 

Beginning of the Macedonian war 171 before Rome was 
prepared ; time was won only by means of a deceitful truce, 
which even revolted the aged senators. Yet the war 170 &- 
169 went favorably for Perseus, who wanted nothing but 
firmness and wisdom to profit by his advantages, till 168 
Paulus Aemilius — contrary to the custom of the Romans an 
old general — received the command. Decisive murderous 
battle at Pydna, 22d June 168. Thus an hour was suffi- 
cient to ruin a kingdom, which had no other support than its 
army. — At the same time with this war, and very oppor- 
tunely for Rome, Antiochus Epiphanes made war on Egypt. 
No wonder, that Rome did not command peace there till 
168 by Popihus. See p. 267. 

17. The annihilation of the Macedonian mon- 
archy had equally injurious consequences for the 



n. PERIOD. TO THE GRACCHI. 367 

victors and the vanquished. With the first the 
design was fast matured of becoming from the 
umpires the rulers of the world; and the latter 
had to endure for the next twenty years all the 
evils, which necessarily attended such a change. 
The former system of Roman policy was one 
that could not permanently endure, for nations 
can be subjected, but not long held in dependence 
under the name of liberty. The circumstances of 
the times, resulting from this war, likewise con- 
tributed much towards effecting a change in the 
relation of the Romans to their allies. 

The repiiblicanizing of the first desolated Macedonia 
(see p. 297.) and lllyrium, which, according to a decree of 
the senate, " was to show all nations that Rome was ready 
to bring them freedom," took place under such oppressive 
conditions, that the liberated were forced to try all measures 
for obtaining a king. — Yet Greece suffered still more than 
Macedonia. As during the war the spirit of faction had 
there attained its highest point, the haughtiness of the Ro- 
man faction, composed chiefly of venal villains, was as great 
as the persecution of all of different sentiments, even of those 
who had taken no side. And yet Rome did not believe 
itself secure, till by a dark scheme it had at once freed itself 
of all important adversaries. See p. 297. 

18. In exactly the same spirit they now pro- 
ceeded against the other powers, from which op- 
position could still be expected. They were to 
be made defenceless ; and every means for attain- 
ing that object seemed admissible in the eyes of 
the senate. Whilst advantage is taken of the dis- 
putes of the successors to the throne in Egypt, 
(see p. 267.) possession of the guardianship of 
Syria was gained, while the rightful heir is de- 



368 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

tained in Rome, in order by ambassadors to 

162. -^ 

annihilate the military power of that king- 
dom, (see p. 249.). 

19. It is therefore plain, that the designs now 
arising against Carthage were no isolated project, 
but were rather most intimately connected with 
the whole policy of the Romans at that time, al- 
though the execution of the plan was sometimes 
delayed and sometimes hastened by several oc- 
currences. In the incredible injuries, which Car- 
thage was obliged to endure before its fall, it would 
seem as if history had wished to give the nations, 
that can understand it, an example of what they 
have to expect from the tyranny of a too powerful 
republic. 

Cato was the leader of the party, which desired the de- 
struction of Carthage, partly from the spirit of opposition to 
Scipio Nasica, whom he hated, because his influence in the 
senate was too great ; partly because he had not thought 
himself sufficiently honored by the Carthaginians on the oc- 
casion of his embassy. The victory of Masinissa 152 (see 
p. 87) and the revolt of Utica brought the project to matu- 
rity. — The war was begun 150, after Carthage had been 
faithlessly disarmed, but not till 146 was the city taken and 
destroyed by P. Scipio Aemilianus ; and the territory of 
Carthage, under the name of Africa, was made a Roman 
province. 

20. Contemporary with the third Carthaginian 
war was a new war in Macedonia, which drew in 
its train another in Greece, and changed the fate 
of both countries. In Macedonia a certain An- 
driscus, pretending to be a son of Perseus, placed 
himself at the head of the highly discontented 



II. PERIOD. TO THE GRACCHI. 369 

people ; assumed the name of Philip, and 
particularly by his connections in Thrace be- 
came very formidable to Rome, till he was con- 
quered by Metellus. As Rome wished to profit 
by this opportunity to dissolve the Achaian league, 
this led to the Achaian war (see p. 297), which 
was begun by Metellus, and terminated by 
Mummius with the destruction of Corinth. 
Greece as well as Macedonia, now a Roman 
province, showed that no relation and no consti- 
tution could protect from the subjection of the 
military republic. 

It might have been expected that the annihilation of two 
of the first commercial cities of the world in the same year, 
must have affected the course of commerce ; but the com- 
merce of Carthage and Corinth had previously been in a 
great measure engrossed by Alexandria and Rhodes ; more- 
over Utica in some measure took the place of Carthage. 

21. Whilst Rome in this way overturned thrones 
and republics, it found in a Spanish rustic, 
Viriathus, an adversary in that country, of 
whom after a six years' contest it could free itself 
only by assassination. But even after his 

. 140. 

death the wai- continued against the untame- 
able Numantines, whom Scipio Aemilianus 133 
was able to extirpate, but not to subject. 

The wars against the Spaniards, who, of all the subject- 
ed nations, defended their liberty against Rome with the 
greatest obstinacy, began in 200, after the entire expulsion 
of the Carthaginians from the country 206. They were so 
obstinately conducted, partly from the nature of the very 
populous land, where almost every place was a fortress ; 
partly from the courage of the inhabitants ; but chiefly by 
47 



370 FIFTH DIVl"ilON. ROMAN STA'i'E. 

the policy of the Romans, who constantly armed their allies 
against the other tribes. From 200 to 133 the wars sel- 
dom ceased entirely, and were for the most part conducted 
at once in hither Spain, where the Celtiberians, and in fur- 
ther Spain, where the Lusitanians were the most powerful 
adversaries. They were most violent 195 under Cato, who 
brought hither Spain into a state of quiet j then 185 — 179, 
when the Celtiberians were attacked in their own territory j 
and 155 — 150, when the Romans were so defeated in both 
provinces, that fear of going to them prevailed in Rome, 
The extortions and the faithlessness of Servius Galba brought 
Viriathus 146 to the head of his nation, the Lusitanians, yet 
the war soon extended to hither Spain, where with other na- 
tions the Numantines in particular rose up against Rome 
143. Sometimes conqueror, sometimes conquered, Viria- 
thus is most formidable after a defeat, for he knew how 
to profit by the localities of his country, and to manage the 
character of his nation. After he was murdered 140 at the 
instance of Caepio, Lusitania is subjected, but the Numan- 
tine war becomes the more violent, and the Numantines 
compel 137 the consul Mancinus to an unfavorable treaty. 
After Scipio terminated the war 133, it was more quiet in 
Spain, but the northern part of the country was not yet wholly 
subjected to the Romans, though they penetrated even into 
Gallicia. 

22. It was at a much cheaper rate, that Rome, 
just at the end of this period obtained some of 
their most important provinces, as the crazy Atta- 
lus III. of Pergamus (it is uncertain at whose in- 
stance,) bequeathed to them his whole kingdom 
(see p. 300), of which they immediately took and 
133 to kept possession, notwithstanding the insur- 
^^^' rection of the pretended heir Aristonicus, 
whilst they ceded Phrygia as a reward to Mithri- 
dates V. of Pontus. Thus the largest and fairest 



U. PERIOD. TO THE GRACCIU. 371 

part of Asia Minor fell to Rome by a stroke of the 
pen. If this singular acquisition was a work of 
Roman policy, Rome at least suffered fearfully 
enough for this increase of its power and its wealth 
by the destruction of its morals, and the tremen- 
dous wars, which ensued with Mithridates. 

23. The foreign possessions of Rome, exclusive 
of Italy proper, now embraced under the name of 
provinces, in the W. hither and further Spain, 
Africa (territory of Carthage), Sicily, Sardinia, 
and Corsica, Liguria, Cisalpine Gaul ; in the E. 
Macedonia, Aebaia and Asia, (district of Perga- 
mus). The inhabitants of these countries were in 
every sense Roman subjects. The administration 
was in the hands of Roman magistrates, the ex- 
consuls, and Praetors, to whom Quaestors (recei- 
vers general) were subordinate. The governors 
possessed at once the highest judicial, civil and 
militar}' authority, (a chief cause of the terrible 
oppression which now took place) ; and there 
were constantly troops in the provinces. By in- 
troducing the Roman language, (except where 
Greek was spoken,) they hoped to romanize the 
inhabitants. 

Till towards the end of this period the praetors were ex- 
pressly named for the provinces. It was not customary till 
after the rise of the quaestiones perpetuae, for the ex-prae- 
tors (propraetores) to receive provinces, one chief cause of 
the decline of the Roman constitution. 

C. Sigonius de antique jure provinciarum in Graevii Thes. 
A. R. Vol. II. 

24. The acquisition of these rich territories 
naturally had a great influence on the increase of 



372 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

the Roman public revenues. Rome, it is true, did 
not, like Carthage, depend entirely on its finances, 
but still these were admirably well balanced ; and 
here as in every other public institution the spirit 
of strict order is manifest. If in individual cases 
the expedients of domestic loans, a change in the 
standard of money, and a monopoly of salt, were 
adopted, order was soon restored again ; and the 
booty from the conquered countries was a great 
source of income to the treasury, as long as the 
generals continued, as they thus far had done, to 
plunder for the state. 

Sources of the Roman revenues (rectigalia) were : 

1. Tribute, a. of the Roman citizens, i. e. a property tax ; 
(which however after the war with Perseus 168 were for a 
long time discontinued as unnecessary ;) regulated by the 
senate according to the exigencies of the occasion, b. Tri- 
bute of the socii in Italy. This seems too to have been a 
tax on property ; but was different in different places, 
c. Tribute of the provinces. In some there were heavy 
poll taxes, in others taxes on property ; to which must be 
added the rnany ordinary and extraordinary contributions of 
natural produce, as well those for the governors, which were 
usually appraised, as those for the supplies of the capital. 

2. The produce from the public domains (ager publicus), 
as well in Italy, especially Campania, as in the provinces, of 
which tithes (decumae) were required, which were collected 
by farming them for four years under the direction of the 
censors. 3. The revenue derived from duties (portoria) in 
the harbors and in the cities on the confines. 4. The re- 
venue from the mines (metalla), especially the Spanish sil- 
ver mines ; by means of taxes, which the owners were oblig- 
ed to pay to the state. 5. The taxes of the slaves who 
were manumitted (aurum vicesimarium). — All the revenues 



III. PERIOD. TO THE MONARCHY. .373 

went into the public chest, the aerarium ; all expenditures 
of the same were regulated exclusively by the senate, and 
the people was in this consulted as little as respecting the 
taxes. The officers were the quaestors, under whom were 
the scribae (divided into decurias) as subalterns, yet not 
without great influence. As these were not annually chang- 
ed, they could not but be indispensable to the quaestors of 
the time, and the business, at least all the details, was chiefly 
in their hands. 

On the Roman finances the leading work has hitherto 
been : 

P. Burmanni Vectigalia Populi Romani. Leiden. 1734. 
4to. — Since then there have been published two excellent 
works in Germany : 

D. H. Hegewisch Versuch iiber die Romischen Finanzen. 
Altona. 1804. and 

R. Bosse Grundzuge des Finanzwesens im Romischen 
Staat. Braunschweig. 1803. 2 Th. Both embrace the re- 
public as well as the monarchy. 



THIRD PERIOD. 

From the beginning of the civil commotions tmder 
the Gracchi, to the fall of the Republic. 134 — 
30. (a. u. c. 620—724). 

Sources. Concerning the first half of this most important 
period of the republic down to the age of Cicero, we have 
unfortunately the most scanty information. Not a single con- 
temporary, indeed, not a single later writer has come down to 
us, who has treated of the history of the whole period. 
Appian de bellis civihbus, Plutarch in his biography of the 
Gracchi, and Velleius Paterculus, the spirited writer of com- 
pends, are here the leading authors ; and even the meagre 



374 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

tables of the contents of the lost books of Livy, supplied in 
a masterly manner by Freinshemius, become important. 
For the following times, Sallust's Jugurtha and Catalina are 
two excellent cabinet-pieces, so much the more valuable, 
since they make us acquainted with the internal state of 
Rome ; but his leading work, the histories, has perished, 
with the exception of a number of precious fragments. In 
the age of Caesar and Cicero, the commentaries of the for- 
mer, and the orations and letters of the latter are rich sour- 
ces. The history of Dion Cassius, which yet remains to us, 
commences with the year 69 before Christ. Of Plutarch's 
biographies, those that belong here, besides those of the 
Gracchi, are Caius Marius, Sylla, LucuUus, Crassus, Serto- 
rius, Caesar, Cato of Utica, Cicero, Brutus and Antony; 
concerning the sources of which, Heeren's treatises quoted 
above, page 331, are to be consulted. 

By moderns, the greater part of this period in particular 
has been treated of in : 

De Brosses Hisloire de la republique Romaine dans le 
cours du VII. siecle par Salluste. Ill Voll. 4to. a Dijon. 
1777. The author of this excellent work acted on the plan 
of translating and supplying Sallust. It comprehends, there- 
fore, besides the translation of the Jugurtha and Cataline, 
the period included between the two, treated of by Sallust 
in the Historiae, from the abdication of Sulla 79 till 67 
before Christ, and is equally important in itself and for the 
period of which it treats. 

De Vertot Histoire des revolutions arrivees dans le gou- 
vernement de la Republique Romaine. Paris. 1796. 6 Voll. 
12mo. Ahhough this justly highly prized work comprises 
the former periods also, it should be particularly named 

here. 

Mably Observations sur les Remains. Geneve. 1751. 
2 Vol. 8vo. A general view of internal history, not with- 
out spirit, but as superficial, as the Observations sur les 
Grecs, of this same author. 



III. PERIOD. TO THE MONARCHY. 375 

1. If the former period was but little more than 
the history of foreign wars, in this, on the contrary, 
Rome appears in a continual state of internal con- 
vulsions, which were at times interrupted, for 
some intervals, by foreign w ars, but were soon re- 
newed, in order to pass into yet more violent civil 
wars. While the almost absolute power of the 
senate gave rise to a most odious family aristocra- 
cy, which was resisted by the tribunes of the peo- 
ple in the character of powerful demagogues, a 
new" contest arose between the aristocratic and 
democratic parties, which soon became factions. 
Their magnitude and consequences gave to these 
contests far more importance, than the ancient 
strifes between patricians and plebeians had pos-- 
sessed. 

This aristocracy of families gradually arose from par- 
ticipation in the magistracies, which had now become not 
only much more important in a practical view, but also much 
more profitable, by the administration of the provinces. The 
present aristocratical party consisted therefore of the ruling 
families (nobiles), and their rallying point was the senate. — 
The contest with the opposite party, the plebs, must have 
been the more violent, the greater the abuses were (espe- 
cially in the division of the public lands,) which had crept 
into the civil administration, and secured to the ruling fami- 
lies alone the fruits of all victories and conquests, and the more 
powerful the democratic party had become by the great in- 
crease of the populace (without a livelihood, yet with a voice 
in the comitia), especially of the numerous freedmen, who. 
although foreigners, generally without fortune or ability, no\\ 
constituted the greater part of the Roman people, so called. 

G. Al. Ruperti stemmsta gentium Romanarum. Goett. 
1795. 8vo. Almost indispensable, for a clear view of the 
private and public history of Rome. 



376 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

2. Beginning of the disturbances, during the 
tribuneship of Tib. Sempronius Gracchus, 
whom his earlier relations had already made 

the man of the people. His aim was to relieve 
the condition of the lower classes ; and the means, 
a better distribution of the public lands, which 
were almost exclusively in the hands of the aris- 
tocrats. From this circumstance, his reform was, 
necessarily, from the very beginning, a contest 
against the aristocrac}^ But Tib. Gracchus was 
compelled to find from experience that a dema- 
gogue cannot continue to stand where he wishes, 
however pure may be the views by which he is 
actuated ; for when he, contrary to usage, de- 
manded a renewal of his tribuneship, he fell, the 
victim of his projects. 

The first agrarian law of Gracchus, sanctioned by the 
people, after the useless intercession of his colleague Octa- 
vius, according to which no person could possess more than 
five hundred acres, and each son the half of this quantity, 
was properly a renewal of the ancient Lex Licinia, but at 
that period of Rome, when it was an attack on the amassed 
property of all great families, it was of infinitely greater im- 
portance, than in the earlier ages. — The appointment of a 
commission for the distribution of the lands, to whom was 
also referred the investigation, what is, and what is not, 
Ager publicus ? — New popular propositions of the elder 
Gracchus, especially the division of the treasures bequeath- 
ed by Attains of Pergamus, in order to obtain a renewal of 
his tribuneship. — Great riot and the murder of Tib. Grac- 
chus by the aristocratic party under Scipio Nasica, on the 
day of the election of the new tribunes of the people. 

3. But the new party itself was any thing but 
annihilated with the fall of its head. So far from 



III. PERIOD. TO THE MONARCHY. 377 

there being any prospect of a repeal of the agra- 
rian law, the senate was even obliged to j>eni)it 
the office, left vacant in the commission by the 
death of Gracchus, to be supplied ; and even Sci- 
pio IVasica himself had to be removed to Asia, 
under the pretence of an embass} . The party of 
the senate obtained indeed, in a short time, a firm 
support in Scipio Aemilianus, returning from 
Spain (tl29), but it derived the greatest ad- 
vantage from the internal difficulties, which op- 
posed the execution of the law. 

Great insurrection of the slaves in Sicily, under Eunus, 
134 — 131. This insurrection gave not a little vigor to the 
contest In Rome by showing the necessity of a reform. 

4. Evident attempts of the tribunes of the peo- 
ple to increase their power, which Gracchus had 
led them to feel. It was not enough for them to 
possess a seat and voice in the senate, Carbo 

. 130. 

even wished to make the renewal of their 
dignity legal. By an honorable removal of the 
heads of the popular party, the eruption of new 
disturbances was avoided for some years. 

M. Fulvius Flaccus first fonnfled the power of Rome in 
Gallia transalpine, on occasion of sending aid to Massilia 128. 
As early as 122, by the overthrow of the Allobroges and 
Arverni by Q. Fabius, against which nations protection had 
been extended to the Aedui, as rdlies, the South of Gaul 
became a Roman province.; — Conquest of the Balearian 
Islands by Metellus 123. — Quaestorship of C. Gracchus in 
Sicily 128—125. 

5. Still these palliative measures were of no 
benefit, when C. Gracchus, with the resolution to 
tread in the footsteps of his brother, returned from 

48 



378 FIFTH DIVISION. ROIMAN STATE. 

Sardinia. He too, indeed, finally fell, the victim 
of his plans ; but the storm which he raised dur^ 
ing his tribuneship of two years, was the more 
violent, the greater the fermentation was at its 
commencement, and the more he excelled his 
elder brother in those shining talents which make 
the powerful demagogue. 

First tribuneship of C. Gracchus 123. — Renewal of the 
agrarian law more severe than before. But while he in- 
creased the fermentation by the arts of a demagogue, and 
obtained the renewal of his tribuneship for the following 
year li2, he so far extended his plans, that they became 
highly dangerous, not for the aristocracy only, but even for 
the state. — Origin of the distributions of corn among the 
poor. — Plan to form the ordo equestris into a political body, 
as a counterpoise to the senate, by committing to it the judi- 
cia, which were taken from the senate. — Yet more impor- 
tant was the proposal to impart the rights of citiizenship to 
the Italian allies ; and also to establish colonies, not only in 
Campania, but also out of Italy, in Carthage. His full tri- 
umph was only prevented by the exceedingly crafty policy 
of the senate, while, by means of the tribune Livius Drusus, 
the man of the people, was removed from their eyes ; and 
once on the decline, Gracchus was soon compelled to learn 
what every demagogue in like circumstances must learn, 
that his utter ruin was then inevitable. — Great tumult and 
murder of C. Gracchus 121. 

6. The victory of the aristocratic faction was 
this time not only much more complete and 
bloody, but the party knew how to improve it so 
well, that the agrarian law of Gracchus was elud- 
ed and at last repealed. But the seed of disturb- 
ances, once disseminated, was not to be checked, 
when the idea of sharing in the government had 



HI. PERIOD. TO THE MONARCHY. 379 

once risen in the minds of the governed. How 
soon the contest of factions should not only be 
renewed, but even break out into a civil war, de- 
pended upon external circumstances, and upon 
the chance of meeting with a bold leader. 

Evasion of the agrarian law, first by annulling the law, 
prohibiting the transfer of the distributed public lands, by 
which the Optimates were enabled to re-purchase them ; 
then, by the lex Thoria ; an entire interruption of all further 
distributions, for which as an equivalent, a ground-rent was 
distributed to the people. But this ground-rent soon ceased 
to be paid. 

1). H. Hegewisch Geschichte der Gracchischen Unruhen. 
Altona. 1801. 

Heeren's History of the revolution of the Gracchi in : 
Vermischte historische Schriften, B. HI. 1821. 

7. The spirit of faction recoiled most visibly on 
morals, which now began to decline the more 
rapidly from the concurrent influence of foreign 
relations. Neither the strictness of the censor- 
ship, nor the sumptuary laws (leges sumtuariae), 
nor the laws which now became necessarv asjainst 
celibacy, were productive of any benefit. We 
must seek for the causes of this corruption, not 
only in the avarice of the higher orders, but also 
in the licentiousness of the populace at large. 

Roman luxury was at first public luxury, arising from the 
excessive accumulation of wealth in the aerarium ; espe- 
cially in the Macedonian wars, before it became private 
luxury; and even this was preceded, for some time, by the 
avarice of the great. The principal means of satisfying the 
latter, were derived from the extortions of the governors of 
the provinces. These magistrates, besides their too great 
power, were favored by the distance, and found but a small 



380 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE, 

obstacle in the leges repetundarum ; but perhaps a still more 
abundant source was found in the attempts of the allied 
princes and kings to gain a party in the senate, which in a 
short time could only be obtained by purchase, and afforded 
nourishment at once to avarice and intrigue. But private 
luxury needed time to attain to maturity. It did not reach 
its summit till after the Mithridatic wars. 

C. Meiners Geschichte des Verfalls der Sitten und der 
Staatsverfassung der Romer. Leipzig. 1782. 

Mrierotto Sitten und Lebensart der Roaier zu verschie- 
denen Zeiten der Repubhk. Berlin. 1776. The most 
complete treatise on this comprehensive subject. 

C. A. Bdttiger Sabina, oder Morgenscenen in Puzzim- 
mer einer reichen Romerm. Leipzig. 180G. 2 Voll. A 
delineation, as finely drawn as it is true, of the luxury of 
Roman ladies ; but in the time of its highest splendor. 

8. Tliis corruption appears most strikingly in 
the next great war, which Rome had to carry on 
jifjio in Africa, against Jugurtha of Numidia, the 
^°^- adopted grand-son of Massinissa, and soon 
against his ally, Bocchus of Mauretania. This 
war, kindled and sustained by the avarice of great 
men at Rome, whom Jugurtha had principally 
known in Numantia, laid open to a new dema- 
gogue, in the person of C. Marius, the road to 
greatness ; who, at the same time a formidable 
general, was far more dangerous to the state than 
the Gracchi had been. 

Beginning of the quarrels of Jugurtha with the two sons 
of Micipsa, and the murder of the one, Hiempsal 118. — 
When Adherbal, the other, applies to Rome for redress 117^, 
the party of Jugurtha is victorious, and obtains a division of 
the kingdom. — New attack upon Adberbal, who is besieged 
in Cirta ; and although a second embassy had been sent to 



Hi. PERIOD. TO THE MONARCHY. 381 

Jiignrtha from Rome, he was obliged to surrender, and was 
put to death in 112. The tribune, C. Memmius compels 
the senate to a war against Jugurtha ; but he purchases 
peace from Cs. Calpurnius Piso 111. — Memmius prevents 
the ratification of the peace ; and Jugurtha is ordered to 
Rome to answer in his delence. He would still have pro- 
bably purchased an acquittal, had not the murder of his 
cousin Massiva, in 110, with the assistance of Bomilcar, 
rendered it impossible. The war was renewed, with the 
worst success, under Cs. Sp. Albinus and his brother Aulas 
110; till the incorruptible Q. Metellus obtained the com- 
mand in 109, who, in spite of the great talents which Jugur- 
tha now evinced as a general, and his alliance with Bocchus 
103, would have ])ut an end to the war, had he not been sup- 
planted by Marius, who by his popularity, stole into the con- 
sulship in 107. — And yet Marius was obliged to make a 
traitor of Bocchus, in order by him to bring Jugurtha into 
his hands 106. — Numidia is divided between Bocchus, and 
Hiempsal and Hiarbas, two grandsons of Massanissa. 

9. The elevation of Marius to the consulship 
not only broke the power of the aristocracy, now 
that a new man, without birth (homo novus), had 
shown for the first time, that the wa} to the high- 
est offices stood open, even to him, but the man- 
ner also in which he had, contrary to Roman usage, 
formed his army out of the populace, (capite cen- 
sis), must have made him doubly formidable. Still 
he would hardly have overthrown the constitution, 
had not this been rendered inevitable by a new and 
highly dangerous war, when the most powerful 
nations of the north, the Cimbri and Teutones, 
threatened to overwhelm Italy, while another for- 
midable war was kindled at the same time by the 
slaves in Sicily. But after the defeat of several 



382 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

Roman armies, the j3eople believed that they could 
find the preserver of Italy in no one but the con- 
queror of Jugurtha; and Marius knew how to im- 
104 tG prove this so well, that he remained consul, 
^^^' four successive years. 

The Cimbri or Cimmerii, a nation probably of Germanic 
origin, from the countries above the Black Sea, occasioned 
a popular migration, which extended from thence as far as 
Spain. Their removal, caused or influenced perhaps by the 
Scythian war of Mithridates, proceeded as those of noma- 
des generally do, from East to West, along the Danube. As 
early as 113, they defeated Cs. Papirius Carbo at Noreia in 
Stiria. — On their further march to the West, they are joined 
by German, Celtic and Helvetian nations (Teutones, Ani- 
brones, Tigurini). — Attack upon Roman Gaul 109, in which 
they demand a residence ; and defeat of Cs. Junius Silanus. 
— Defeat of L. Cassius Longinus, and of M. Aurelius 
Scaurus 107. — Principal defeat of the Romans in Gaul 
105, caused by the dissensions between the leaders, Cs. Cn. 
Manhus and 2. Servilius Caepio. Marius obtains the com- 
mand and continues consul from 104 — 101. The migra- 
tions of the Cimbri, (a part of whom crossed the Pyrenees, 
but were driven back by the Celtiberi 103), gave Marius 
time to form his army. In 102, they attempted for the first 
time, in separate bodies, the Teutones through Provence, 
the Cimbri themselves through the Tyrol, to penetrate into 
Italy. — Great defeat and annihilation of the Teutones by 
Marius at Aix, 102. — On the other hand, the actual inva- 
sion and progress of the Cimbri, till Marius goes to the as- 
sistance of Catulus. Great battle and defeat of the Cimbri 
on the Po, 30th July 101. 

T. Miiller helium Cimbricum. A youthful attempt of the 
renowned historian, cf. Mannert Geographie etc. Th. III. 

10. If already, during these wars, the power of 
the popular party had visibly increased, the storm 



HI. PERIOD. TO TttE MONARCHY. 383 

actually broke out for the first time, when Marius 
purchased his sixth consulship. Now, present 
himself at Rome, he wished to revenge him- 
self on his enemies ; and what could the senate 
do, when in the person of the consul himself, a 
demagogue stood at its head ? — His connexion with 
the tribune Saturninus and the Praetor Glaucias, 
already an actual triumvirate, would have been the 
ruin of the republic, after Metellus had been re- 
moved, had not the shameless licentiousness of the 
herd of his allies compelled him to leave their par- 
ty, that he might not lose all popularity. 

The attack of the conspiracy, which wished to appear to 
tread in the footsteps of the Gracchi, was at first directed 
against Q. Metellus, the head of the senatorial party, and, 
since the events in Africa, the mortal enemy of Marius. 
After he had been expelled by a new agrarian law, which 
he opposed, the faction now usurped the rights of the peo- 
ple, and maintained them by force in the comitia, till at the 
new consular election, there was a great rising against it on 
the part of all the well disposed citizens, now favored by 
Marius himself; and Saturninus and Glaucias, besieged in 
the Capitol, were obliged to surrender, and were executed. 
— A consequence of these events was the recal of Metellus 
from his voluntary exile 99, even contrary to the will of Ma- 
rius, who withdrew to Asia. 

11. The few years of quiet, that Rome 93 to 
now enjoyed, brought to maturity much good ^'• 
and evil, the seeds of which had been before dis- 
seminated. While eloquence, now beginning to 
flourish, was exerted by a M. Antonius, L. Crassus, 
etc. in the public processes (Quaestiones) against 
the oppressors of the provinces ; and highminded 
individuals endeavored to heal the wounds of Si- 



384 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

cily, Asia and other provinces, by a better admin- 
istration, the power of the ordo equestris at that 
time became a new and abundant source of abases. 
Since, besides a seat in the judicia, which had been 
conferred upon them by C. Gracchus, they had 
also become the farmers of the pubHc revenues, 
and consequently collected the public revenues in 
the provinces, they were able, not only easily to 
oppose every provincial reform, which was attempt- 
ed, but even at Rome to keep the senate in depen- 
dence. The contest which now arose between 
them and the senate, respecting the judicia, was 
one of the most pernicious for the republic ; since 
the judicia were misused by it, for the gratification 
of private hatred and even for the expulsion of the 
greatest men. The equestrian order was, indeed, 
half deprived of its seat in them by the tribune 
M. Livius Drusus, the younger ; but the manner, 
in which he eflected this, again unfortunately blew 
into a flame the fire, which.; since the time of the 
pracchi, had been burning under the ashes. 

Acquisition of Cyreae, by the will of C. Apion 07, which 
however preserved its independence, althongh probably by 
the payment of a tribute. — A cessation was produced of the 
contests between the kings of Asia Minor by Sulla, the 
praetor 92. (See above p. 305.) 

12. Insurrection of the nations of Italy, in order 
to obtain the privileges of Roman citizenship ; and 
91 to the bloody war with the allies, which ensued. 
^^- Although the oppression of Rome had been 
preparing this war for a long time before, it was 
properly kindled by the arts of Roman dema- 
gogues, who, since the law of the younger Grac- 



ni. PERIOD. TO THE MONARCHY. 385 

chus, had continually flattered these nations with 
the grant of the rights of citizens, in order to ob- 
tain a party among them. But it was soon seen, 
that the allies themselves were not without lead- 
ers, capable of projecting great plans and of exe- 
cuting them with energy. Italy was to form one 
republic, and instead of Rome, Corfinium was to 
be Its capital. And Rome could only save herself, 
by extending, gradually however, to the allies all 
the privileges of citizenship. 

Since the commotions of the Gracchi, great numbers of 
the allies in the pay of the demagogues, had always been 
pouring into Rome ; and the lex Licinia Miicia in 95, which 
removed these from the city was the occasion of the revolt. 
Since this time, conspiracies had commenced among these 
nations and increased without interruption to such a matu- 
rity, that the negligence of Rome is to he explained only 
by the rage of party, which had been yet more inflamed by 
the lex Varia 91, against the promoters of the insurrection. 
The murder of the tribune Livius Drusus91, a man of very 
doubtful character, brouglit the matter to a rupture. In the 
alliance, were the Marsi, Picentes, Peligni, Marrucini, Fren- 
tani, Samnites, (who then played a leading part), the Hir- 
pini, Apuli and Lucani. — In this war, which was the more 
bloody, as the single battles and sieges, especially of the 
Roman colonies, were more frequent, we find on the side of 
Rome, the illustrious names of Cn. Pompeius (the father), 
L. Cato, Marius, and above all of Sulla ; among the general 
leaders of the allies, the names of Pompadius, C. Papius 
etc. — Grant of the privileges of citizenship, first to the La- 
tini, Umbri, etc. whose fidelity had remained unimpaired, by 
the lex Julia 91 ; afterwards, gradually, to the others also, by 
the lex Plotia. Some however still remained in arms. 

Heyne de belli socialis causis et eventu in Opusc T. III. 
40 



386 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

13. The war now brought to a conclusion, pro- 
duced an essential change in the constitution, since 
Rome no longer remained as formerly, the exclusive 
head of the whole state; and although the new 
citizens were enrolled into eight tribes only, the 
influence on the comitia must have soon become 
perceptible, since they were so easily to be made 
use of for factions. Besides, the long fostered 
hatred between Marius and Sulla had increased 
during tliis war, in proportion as the influence of 
Sulla had risen, and that of Marius declined. 
Nothing was wanting but an opportunity, such as 
was afforded by the Pontic war, which now breaks 
out for the first time, to stir up a civil war, which 
menaced the annihilation of Roman liberty. 

14. Coalition of Marius with Sulpitius, the 
tribune, in order to gain by means of this 
faction the supreme command, already conferred 
on Sulla, the consul, by the senate. Easily as Sul- 
la, at the head of his army, of which he was sure, 
achieved the expulsion of the chiefs of the faction, 
he appears not to have known that this was not 
enough to annihilate the faction itself. However" 
judicious his other measures were, yet the eleva- 
tion of Cinna to the consulship, was an error of 
policy, for which Italy was obliged to suffer yet 
more severely than himself. How much blood 
would have been spared, had not Sulla, at that un- 
seasonable time, aspired to po])ularity. 

Proposal of Sulpitius for a proportionate distribution of 
the new citizens and freedmen through all the tribes, in order 
to form of them a faction of his own, which transfers the 
supreme command to Marius, by a^ popular resolve ob- 



III. PERIOD. TO THE MONARCHY. 387 

tained by force. — March of Sulla upon Rome, and expul- 
sion of Marius, who escapes to Africa after having met with 
adventures almost incredible, and is proscribed with his son 
and ten of his adherents. — Restoration of the power of the 
senate, and its vacancies filled by 300 knights. Sulla, after 
having permitted his friend C. Octavius, and his enemy L. 
Cinna, to be elected consuls, hastens to Greece. 

ir>. The first war with Mithridates the Great gg to 
was victoriously waged in Greece by Sulla ^''• 
against the generals of the king, until, with a restora- 
tion of all cojiquests, he confined himself to his he- 
reditary kingdom. If Rome had witnessed, since the 
time of Hannibal, no such enemy as the king of Pon- 
tus, who, in the course of a few months, master of 
all Asia Minor, Macedonia and Greece, was able to 
threaten Italy itself, the war, on the side of Rome, 
must have been of a nature entirely different from 
all preceding wars, because Sulla, after the victory 
of the opposite party, outlawed at Rome, was 
obliged to carry it on with his own resources and 
his own army. The unhappy countries, that were 
the theatre of the contest, felt this as severely 
during the war, as Italy was obliged to do after- 
wards. 

Beginning of the war by Mithridates, even before the end 
of that with the allies 89, by his making himself master of 
Cappadocia and Paphlagonia. He was rendered no less for- 
midable by his alliances with the nations along the Danube, 
and by his naval forces, than by his land forces ; and the 
exasperation of the Asiatics against Rome facilitated his 
undertakings. — Double victory over Nicomedes, king ol 
Bithynia, and the Roman general, M. Aquilius. The con- 
quest of all Asia Minor, the island Rhodes alone excepted, 
was the consequence of this victory. Murder of all Roman 



388 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

citizens in the cities of Asia Minor. — The royal army cros- 
sed over to Greece under the command of Archelaus, where 
Athens becomes the principal scene of arms, in 88. — Siege 
and final conquest of the unhappy Athens by Sulla, 1st 
March 87. — Repeated great defeats of the army of Mithri- 
dates under Archelaus at Cbalcis, and afterwards at Archo- 
menus by Sulla 86, whose plans usually aimed at the total 
annihilation of his enemies. — Negotiations of peace were 
begun by Archeiaus, but not terminated till a personal inter- 
view between Sulla and Mithridates 85. But the opposite 
party in Rome had already sent forward a new army to Asia 
Minor both against Sulla and Mithridates, with L. Valerius 
Flaccus as general, who was assassinated by his lieutenant, 
Fimbria. Fimbria obtained advantages over the king, but, 
being afterwards blocked up by Sulla, took his own life. — By 
the licentiousness of the army, which Sulla dared not re- 
strain, by the immense contributions, which he exacted in 
Asia Minor, after the peace, for carrying on the Italian war, 
and by the piracies, which arose from the fleets of the king, 
that had been let loose, these unhappy countries, and espe- 
cially the wealthy cities, were almost ruined. 

16. But during this war a revolution was taking 
place in Rome, which not only subverted the or- 
der restored by Sulla, but also, by the vict jry of 
the democratic faction under Cinna and Marius, 
generated a wild anarchy of the mob, which was 
rendered yet worse by the death of Marius, that 
occurred somewhat too late for Rome, since even 
their own leaders were no longer able to restrain 
the riotous partizans. Fearful as was the pros- 
pect of the return of the proscribed Sulla, yet he 
was the only remaining hope of all those, who be- 
longed neither to the populace, nor to the party 
of its leaders. 



III. PERIOD. TO THE MONARCHY. 389 

Insurrection of Cinna, at the impulse of the exiles, soon 
after the departure of Sulla, while he attempts to form a 
party, by the distribution of the new citizens through all the 
tribes. But he was expelled from Rome by C. Octavius, 
at the head of the senate and the old citizens, and deposed 
from the consulship 87. He soon however collects a pow- 
erful army in Campania and recalls Marius from exile. — 
Capture and pillage of Rome, subdued by famine ; and hor- 
rible massacre, after which Marius and Cinna appoint them- 
selves consuls, and Sulla is proscribed. — Death of Marius 
I3th Jan. 86, whom C. Papirius Carbo succeeded in the 
consulship. — The mediation of the senate could be of no 
benefit, since the leaders of the two parties saw their only 
chance of safety ia the utter destruction of their opponents. 
The murder of Cinna by his own soldiers in 84 completely 
deprived the ruling faction of a common head. Neitlier 
the timid Carbo, although he remained sole consul, nor the 
unskilful Norbanus, nor the youth C. Marius (the son) pos- 
sessed sufficient personal authority to supply this want ; and 
Sertorius left Italy at the right time, to kindle a new flame 
in Spain. 

17. Sulla's return to Italy, and terrible civil 
war, which was first terminated after the an- 
nihilation of the democratic faction by his eleva- 
tion to the office of perpetual dictator. Although 
his enemies were so far su})erior to him in num- 
ber, yet their party possessed so little internal 
solidity, that he and his veterans could hardly fail 
to achieve the victory. During the war, those 
who fell its victims were principally the Italian 
nations, that had been of the party of Marius, 
whom he slaughtered to make way for settlements 
for his own soldiers ; and not till after the victory, 
was Rome coaipeiled to feel the horrors of the 



390 FIFTH DIVISION'. ROMAN STATE. 

new revolution. Sulla's proscription, which was, 
properly, directed against his enemies only, was 
the signal for a universal massacre, because every 
one sought, as an opportunity was now offered, to 
free himself of his own enemies ; and avarice was 
a yet more efficient motive than revenge. Who 
in those days of horror in Ital}'^ was sure of his 
life or of his property- ? — And yet if we recall to 
mind the deep corruption, that prevailed during 
the former government of the mob, and consider 
how much was done without Sulla's knowledge, 
and how much he was obliged to do to satisfy his 
army, it is difficult to say how far he is obnoxious 
to the charge of wanton cruelty. 

Immediately after Sulla's landing, a victory over Norba- 
nus ensued, and the army of Cs. Scipio was gained by 
bribery 82. — While almost all men of consequence declared 
themselves for Sulla, and the young Pompey led to him 
his self-acquired army, his cause gained as much in conse- 
quence, as he himself in power. — Victory at Sacriportum 
over Marius the younger, who throws himself into Praeneste 
and is there besieged. — But the first decisive battle was that, 
which took place before the gates of Rome with the army 
of the Samnites under Telesinus, of which battle the fall of 
Praeneste and the capture of Rome were the results. After 
the prescription which ensued, Sulla is appointed perpetual 
dictator, while he confirms his power in Rome by the eman- 
cipation of 10,000 of the slaves of those proscribed, and in 
Italy, by the colonies of his veterans, founded at the ex- 
pense of his enemies. 

18. Great reform in the constitution during the 
81 to two years' dictatorship of Sulla. The aris- 
'^^' tocracy of the senate, which he supplied 
from the knights, was again restored, and the sour- 



III. PERIOD. TO THE MONARCHY. 391 

ces were to be closed, from which the former de- 
mocratic disorders had flowed. His voluntary ab- 
dication was probably caused b}' his natural in- 
dolence, which preferred a luxurious leisure to 
a laborious activity, so soon as his passions left him 
at rest. He nevertheless possessed the great ad- 
vantage over Marius, that he was not the mere 
sport of his passions. Sulla's whole conduct, to 
the end of his part, was so consistent, that he 
has satisfactorily proved, he knew very well — 
what Marius never knew, — what he really wished 
for. 

Internal regulations of Sulla by the leges Corneliae. 
1. Law for restricting the tribunes, by depriving them of 
their legislative power. 2. Law respecting the manner of 
obtaining magistracies ; — the number of praetors was in- 
creased to eight, that of the quaestors to twenty. 3. Law 
de majestate, intended especially to restrict the governors 
of the provinces, and to abolish their oppressions. 4. Law 
de judiciis, by which the judicia were again committed to 
the senate. 5. Several laws referring to the police de sica- 
riis, de veneficiis etc. for the maintenance of security and 
peace in Rome, upon which every thing depended. 6. The 
law de civitate deprived the Latini and several Italian cities 
and nations of their newly acquired rights of citizenship, al- 
though we are not minutely acquainted with its substance. — 
Foreign wars. — War in Africa against Cn. Domitius and 
king Hiarbas, the leaders of the democratic faction, tri- 
umphantly concluded by Pompey 80. — Second war with 
Mithridates, begun by Murena, to whom Archelaus had ac- 
ceeded, in part at his instigation, and in order to obtain a 
triumph, but at Sulla's order, terminated by a treaty 8L 

19. Still the regulations of Sulla could not be 
permanent in Rome, because the evil lay too deep 



392 FIFTH DIVigiGN. ROMAN STATE. 

to be eradicated b}' laws. A republic like Rome, 
containing no middle class, must, from its very 
nature, be liable to continual convulsions, which 
are the more violent in proportion to its greatness. 
Besides, the almost universal change of property 
had produced, during the last revolution, through- 
out all Italy a powerful party, which desired noth- 
ing more eagerly than a counter revolution. And 
how many young men, such as Lucullus, Crassus, 
and above all, Pompey, had commenced a career 
during the last commotions which they were not 
yet willing to terminate ? It is not strange there- 
fore, that immediately after the death of Sulla 
(t78) a consul, M. Aemilius Lepidus, should at- 
tempt to become a second Marius, which it requir- 
ed the firmness and courage of as great a citizen 
as his colleague, Q. Lutatius Catulus, to frustrate. 

Auenipt by Lepidus to subvert the constitution of Sulla 
78. Repeated defeat before Rome and in Etruria by Catu- 
lus and Pompey 77, soon after which he died in Sardinia. 

20. But the civil war rekindled by Sertorius in 
Spain, threatened to become much more dangerous 
for Rome, had the plan of the fanatic republicans 
77 to succeeded to transfer it to Italy. Even Pom- 
'^" pe} could hardly have prevented him from 
eflfecting his purpose after a contest of six years, 
but for the insignificance of the Roman emigrants 
around him, and his assassination by Perperna. 
The speedy termination of the war, after the fall 
of the leader, is incontestibly a far greater praise 
for himself than for the victor Pompey. 

The strength of the party of Sertorius in Spain, did not 
consist merely in the remnants of the party of Maiius, 



HI. PERIOD. TO THE MONARCHY. .393 

which he attached to himself, but principally in Spaniards, 
especially the Lusitani, whose boundless confidence he was 
able to acquire. — Various fortune of the war between Me- 
tellus and Pompey, who was too weakly supported by Rome 
77 — 75. — Negotiations of Sertorius with Mithridates the 
Great, and mutual embassies, unattended by any important 
results 75. — His assassination by Perperna 72. 

21. But before the fire of war had been extin- 
guished in the West, a yet greater one had been 
kindled in the East by Mitliridates; another war, 
full as formidable as this, of the gladiators and 
slaves, had broken out in Italy itself; and wliole 
fleets of pirates, who not only plundered the coasts 
of Italy, but also threatened the city itself with 
famine, compelled Rome to a naval war of alto- 
gether a peculiar nature. There was no want of 
alliances between these enemies ; and colossal as 
was the power of the republic at that time, rich 
as she was in distinguished men, she might never- 
theless have sunk under the storms, between 75 — 
71, which burst upon her from all directions, could 
a close coalition have been effected between Ser- 
torius, Spartacus and Mithridates. But the very 
great difficulties of communication at that time, 
Avithout which perhaps a republic like Rome could 
never have been formed, were then, more than 
ever, of the greatest service to Rome. 

The third war with Mithridates, occasioned by the will of 
Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, who devised his kingdom to 
Rome 75, (see above, p. 303) was carried on in Asia Mi- 
nor, first by L. Lucullus 74 — 67, and afterwards by Pom- 
pey 66 — 64. An alliance had already been concUided in 
75, between Mithridates, now better prepared for the con- 
.50 



394 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE, 

test, and Sertorins in Spain. But the raising of the siege 
of Cycicus by Liiculkis 73, and the overthrow of the fleets 
of the king, one of which was sailing towards Italy, not only- 
frustrated his whole plan of attack, but also led to the con- 
quest of his own lands, in 72 and 71, although the king col- 
lected a new army, principally out of the northern nomadic 
nations. — Flight of Mithridates to Tigranes 71, who refuses 
indeed to deliver him up, but enters into no alliance with 
him till 70, while Arsaces XII. the Parthian, put off both 
parties with negotiations.^ — Victory uf Lucullns over the 
allied kings at Tigranocerta in Armenia 69, and Artaxarta 
68 ; but the mutinies, now beginning among his troops, not 
only prevented his further progress, but also allowed Mi- 
thridates to rise so rapidly, that in the years 68 and 67, he 
reconquered almost all his own territories ; at the very time 
when Roman commissaries arrived to take possession of 
them. Lucullus, who had raised up a powerful party against 
himself in Rome, by his financial reform in Asia Minor, 
loses in consequence the chief command. 

22. The war of the gladiators and slaves, which 
73 to took place at the same time, was equally 
^^' dangerous to Rome by its neighborhood to 
the scene of contest, by the exasperated spirit, 
with which outraged humanity sought to avenge 
itself, and by the superior talents of a leader like 
Spartacus. Its termination was important for 
Rome, as it opened to M. Crassus the road to an 
influence, which all his wealth would never have 
acquired. 

The war was begun in Campania 73, by a number of fu- 
gitive gladiators, who were formidably strengthened by a 
great insurrection of the slaves. — The defeat of four Ro- 
man generals 73 and 72. laid open to Spartacus the road to the 
Alps, in order to leave Italy ; but the rapacity of his hordes^ 
who wished to plunder Rome, draws him back. — Crassus 



Ul. PERIOD. TO THE MONARCHY. 395 

obtains the command, and saves Rome 72 ; upon which 
Spaitacus retreats to the south of Italy, in order to transfer 
the war to Sicily with the aid of the pirates, by whom how- 
ever he was deceived 71. — His final defeat on the Silarus 
71. — Pompey, now returning from Spain, finds still an op- 
portunity to snatch a branch from the laurel wreath, which 
properly belonged to Crassus ; and the coldness, which 
thence arose during their consulship 70, threatened to be- 
come dangerous to the state. 

23. The war against the pirates of Cilicia and 
Isauria was as important for Rome in its results, 
as it was of itself It gave Pompey legally a pow- 
er, such as no other Roman general had possessed ; 
and after he had brought it to a quick and victo- 
rious termination, he gained thereby an opportunity 
of obtaining what was the real object of his wishes, 
the chief command against Mithridates in Asia. 

The excessive increase of the power of the pirates re- 
sulted, partly from the negligence of the Roman marine, 
(see above p. 360), partly from the wars of Mithridates, who 
held them in pay, partly from the oppression of the Romans 
in Asia Minor. A war had been waged upon them from the 
year 75, by P. Servilius, whose victories, which procured 
him the surname of Isauricus, did them but little injury. 
They were now the most dangerous, not only on account of 
their piraces, but because they facilitated the communication 
between the other enemies of Rome, from Spain to Asia. — 
The new attack of the praetor, M. Antonius 71, was di- 
rected against Crete ; it failed indeed of success, but it was 
the cause which led to the attack of Crete, hitherto inde- 
pendent, by Metellus 68, and its change 67 into a Roman 
province. — Pompey obtains the command against them, with 
extended power from the tribune Gabinius, and finished the 
war in forty days 67. 



396 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

24. After the overthrow of so many enemies. 
Mithridates yet remained. In this case too, it was 
the fortune of Pompey to finish a war already al- 
most terminated ; for, even with his last advanta- 
ges, Mithridates could never perfectly recover 
from his defeats. His fall raised indeed the power 
of the Romans in Asia Minor to its highest sum- 
mit ; but it also made them the neighbors of the 
Parthians. 

Pompey obtains the command against Mithridates, with 
yet greater concessions of power, by means of the tribune 
Manilius (lex Manilla), notwithstanding the opposition of 
Catidus G7. — His nocturnal victory on the Euphrates 66. 
— Overthrow of Tigranes, while Mithridates escapes to the 
Crimea 65, and from thence seeks to renew the war. — Ex- 
pedition of Pompey into the Caucasian countries 65, whence 
he proceeds to Syria. The desertion of his son Phraates 
forces Mithridates to commit suicide 63. — Regulation of the 
affairs of Asia by Pompey. Besides the ancient province 
Asia, the countries on the southern coast, Bithynia and the 
greater part of Paphlagonia and Pontus were made a Ro- 
man province under the name of Bithynia, the countries on 
the Southern coast, Cilicia and Pamphylia, under the name 
of Cilicia, and Phenicia and Syria under the name of Syria. 
On the other hand Tigranes still retained Great Armenia, 
Ariobarzanes Cappadocia, Pharnaces the Bosphorus, and 
Hyrcanus Judaea, (see above p. 321) ; and some small dis- 
tricts were granted to other petty princes ; all of whom re- 
mained dependent on Rome. — The Thracian tribes also 
were conquered, for the first time, during the war with Mi- 
thridates by Sulla 85. Since this time, the power of these 
nations was broken by the pro-consuls of Macedonia, by 
Appius, for instance, in 77, by Curio, who was the first that 
penetrated to the Danube 75 — 73, but principally by M. 
Lucullus 71, while his brother was fighting in Asia. Both 



111. PElllOD. TO THE JMONARCHY. 397 

the security of Macedonia, and the bold plans of Mithri- 
dates rendered this necessary. 

25. The fall of Mithridates brought the repub- 
lic to the height of its power; no foreign enemy 
couid no\\ become formidable. But during 
the war, its interior had witnessed some impor- 
tant revolutions. The aristocratic constitution of 
Sulla had been abolished by Pompey, in its lead- 
ing points, by the restoration of the tribunitial 
power, because he and other great men could at- 
tain their objects only b} the aid of tribunes. It 
was thus, that Pompey acquired his unlimited au- 
thority in his two last wary, dvuing which the con- 
tinuance of the republic was but precarious. It 
was singularly fortunate for Rome, that a part of 
the vanity of Pompe} consisted in standing at its 
head, while he avoided the appearance of an op- 
pressor. 

Repeated attempts to annul the constitution of Sulla by 
the tribime Sicinuis, frustrated by the -enate 76. But Opi- 
mius obtained in 75, that the tribuneship should not exclude 
a person from the higher offices of honor, and that the ju- 
dicia should again be transferred to the knights. The at- 
tempt made by Licinius Macer 72 for a perfect restoration, 
could be defeated only for the moment ; the perfect restor- 
ation was effected by Pompey and Crassus during their 
consulship 70. 

2(3. Tlie victory of the democratic party, since 
some too powerful individuals turned it to their 
own advantage, nevertheless led the way to an 
olifijarchy, which, from the time of the consul- 
ship of Pompey and Crassus, had become op- 
pressive for many. The conspiracy of Catiline, 
which was brought to maturity only after repeated 



398 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

attempts, was designed to break this oligarchy^ 
and to bring into power another much more dan- 
gerous faction, consisting partly of needy conspir- 
ators and prosecuted criminals, and partly of am- 
bitious nobles. It occasioned a short- civil war ; 
but in return, it placed Cicero at the helm of state. 
How readily we forget his weaknesses and fail- 
ings, when we consider the great virtues and me- 
rits of the man, who in many respects first gave 
to Rome an example of greatness in the toga. 

First conspiracy of Catiline, in which even Crassus and 
Caesar are said to have engaged 66, and the second 65, 
the former frustrated by accident, the latter by the death of 
Piso. But the third broke out in 64, after CatiUne had 
failed of obtaining the consulship, both in Rome, where it 
was suppressed without having recourse to arms, merely by 
the vigilance and severity of Cicero 63, and in Etruria, 
where it was defeated by a victory of Antonius, the pro- 
consul 62, over Catiline himself, who fell in the battle. 

27. But the influence which the Asiatic wars, 
now brought to a termination, had upon Rome, 
could not be checked by the suppression of this 
conspiracy. The luxury of the East, joined how- 
ever to Grecian taste, which the example of Lu- 
cullus had introduced among the nobles ; the very 
great enrichment of the treasury by Pompey ; the 
instances of the unlimited power, which single 
citizens had already exercised ; the purchase of 
the magistracies by individuals like Verres, that 
they might, after having squandered millions, 
again enrich themselves in the provinces ; the 
claims of the soldiers on their generals, and the 
facility with which a person might form an army, 



111. PERIOD. TO THE MONARCHY. 399 

if he possessed wealth enough to pay it, must 
have forboded new and approaching storms ; even 
if the preceding commotions in this colossal re- 
public, in which virtue and crime, like rit^hes and 
power, must from this time be measured by a 
large standard, had not found men of colossal 
character, who, like Cato, stemmed alone the tor- 
rent of revolution, and were strong enough to re- 
tard it for a time ; or, like Pompey, by their for- 
tune and the art of gaining influence, soared to an 
elevation never attained by tlie citizen of a repub- 
lic ; or, like Crassus, " that called him only richj 
who could maintain an army from his own re- 
sources," rested their claims on their wealth ; or 
finally, like the now aspiring Caesar, whose bound- 
less ambition was surpassed only b}^ his energy 
and talents, " would rather be the first in a village 
than the second in Rome." — The return of Pompey 
from Asia, which menaced the senate with a new 
dictatorship, appeared to be necessarily a decisive 
moment. 

Attempt by Pompey, through the tribune Metellus Nepos, 
to return to Rome at the head of his army ; frustrated by 
Cato's firmness 62. 

28. The arrival of Pompey in Rome revived 
the contest of the senate against his excessive 
power, although he dismissed his army at his landing. 
The principal point of contest was the ratification 
of the regulations that he had established in Asia, 
which was opposed by the leading men of the se- 
nate, Cato, the two Metelli and Lucullus ; and 
Pompey was induced to join the popular party, in 
order thus to attain his object ; till Caesar's re- 



400 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

turn from his province Lusitania gave an en- 
tirely different turn to the matter. 

29. Close alliance between Caesar, Pompey and 
Crassus, concluded as a secret combination. 

fin 

through Caesar's mediation. That which was 

the ultimate object of Pompey and Crassus, was 

to Caesar nothing more than a means for at- 

59. . . . . 

taining his ulterior views. His consulship, 
— already a kind of dictatorship, under the mask 
of the highest devotedness to the people — opened 
the road to them, when by obtaining the two Gauls 
and Illyria as provinces, for five years, he gained 
a wide field for conquest and an opportunity to 
form an army of his own. 

Caesar's stay and expeditions in Gaul, from the spring of 
58 to the end of the year 50. By preventing the migra- 
tion of the Helvetii and expelling the (jermans under Ario- 
vistus from Gaul 58, Caesar gained an opportunity of inter- 
fering in the internal concerns of Gaul, and then conquering 
it, which was in fact accomplished by the defeat of the Bel- 
gii 57, and the Aquitani 56 ; so that Caesar was enabled 
to make repeated incursions into Britain 55 and 54, and into 
Germany 55 and 53. But the frequent rebellions of the 
Gauls 53 — 51, especially under Vercingetorix 52, occasion- 
ed wars no less violent than those, that had been caused by 
their first conquest. The ancient policy of Rome was still 
preserved in these wars. The Galli were subjected, while 
the Romans played the part of their deliverers ; and found 
allies in the country itself, in the Aedui, Allobroges, etc. 

30. In order that the power of the triumvirate 
might be firmW established before Caesar's depar- 
ture, use wa'- made of the tribune Clodius to re- 
move the heads of the senate, Cato and Cicero. 



HI. PERIOD. TO THE MONARCHY. 401 

by committing a province to the former and by 
the banishment of Cicero. — But they were soon 
compelled to find, that so bold a leader of the 
populace as Clodius, would not long permit him- 
self to be used as a mere machine. Since he had 
grown, after Caesar's departure, more poweiful 
than the triumvirs themselves, Pompey was com- 
pelled, for his own safet}^, to permit Cicero to be 
recalled from exile, which was effected by Milo, 
the tribune, amidst the most tumultuous scenes. 
Still the power of Clodius was but little broken, 
and Pompey, to close the source of disorders and 
to revive his popularity, was appointed the prae- 
fectus annonae. 

Exile of Cicero, which he passed mostly in Macedonia, 
from April 58 to the 4th Sept. 57. — Rebellion of Ptolemy 
of Cyprus ; and the island \Vas reduced to a Roman pro- 
vince, by Cato, at the proposal of Clodius 57. (See above 
p. 271). The private Iiatred of Clodius and the riches of 
the king were the reasons why this lot fell particularly to 
him. 

Middleton Life of Cicero. This work ir almost a com- 
plete history of Rome during the age of Cicero, with an 
excessive predilection for him. 

31. Beginning of the jealousy between the tri- 
umvirs, because Caesar even during his absence 
was able to keep his party in such activity, that 
Pompey and Crassus believed that the preserva- 
tion of their consequence required similar conces- 
sions to them, as had been made to Caesar. 

56. 

But the need of mutual assistance again re- 
stored harmony, bv means of the treaty of Lucca. 
51 



402 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

Conditions of the treaty. In favor of Caesar, the pro- 
longation of his office as governor, for five more years. In 
favor of Pompey and Crassus the consulship for the follow- 
ing year ; to the former, the provinces Spain and Africa 
were given ; to the latter Syria, in order to carry on a war 
against the Parthians. — Secret as the conditions were kept, 
the alliance itself of the triumvirs no longer remained a 
secret. 

32. Second consulship of Pompey and Cras- 
sus. Only under the greatest commotions 
could they accomplish their purposes ; much de- 
pended therefore on which party first gained and 
preserved possession of the forum. The resis- 
tance which they met with from the inflexible 
Cato, whose rough virtue alone furnished him with 
the means of obtaining a strong party, proves how 
much we should err in pronouncing the power of 
the triumvirs at that time absolute, and the nation 
utterly corrupted. 

An unauthorized expedition was undertaken by Crassus 
against the Parthians in 54. But so far from gathering laurels 
equal to those of Caesar, he with almost his whole army per- 
ished in Mesopotamia 53 ; and the Parthians acquired a pow- 
erful ascendency in Asia. (See above p. 311.) 

33. While the triumvirate was thus reduced to 
a combination of two, the exertions of Pompey, 
who remained at Rome, while his provinces were 
administered by legates, in the midst of the con- 
tinued internal commotions, which he was enabled 
by his cunning to keep in action, evidently aimed 
at becoming the acknowledged head of the senate 
and republic. The idea, that a dictator was 
necessary, had become more and more com- 
mon, during the anarchy of eight months, in which 



Ill, PERIOD. TO THE MONARCHY. 403 

110 election of consuls could be effected ; and al- 
though this design was frustrated by Cato, Pom- 
pey succeeded, after the great tumult occasioned 
by the murder of Clodius by Milo, in being chos- 
en sole consul, an office conferring power similar 
to that of the dictator. 

The consulship of Pompey 52. After seven months, he 
accepts as colleague Metellus Scipio his father in law. — The 
possession of his provinces was prolonged to him, now the 
principal seat of the republican party for five years. 

34. From this time the civil war was the more 
inevitable, that it was desired not only by the 
heads of the parties, but by the parties themselves. 
The approaching period, when Caesar's command 
was to cease, was necessarily the decisive moment. 
Could it be expected that the conqueror of Gaul 
would retire into private life, while his opponent 
remained at the head of the republic ? The steps 
made by both parties towards a reconciliation, 
were only taken because each wished to avoid the 
appearance of being the author of the war. But 
unfortunately Pompey was never acquainted with 
the character of his adversary, who performed 
every thing himself, every thing wholly, and every 
thing alone. He was so well pleased with the 
favorable light in which he now stood as defender 
of the republic, that he forgot whatever was ne- 
cessary for its defence ; while Caesar avoided 
nothing more carefully than the semblance of usur- 
pation. He wished to be the friend, the protector 
of the people against the encroachments of its 
enemy. 



404 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

The contest was begun by the demand of Caesar to be 
permitted to stand as candidate for the consulship, during his 
absence 52. — While Caesar increases his party in Rome by 
the most unlimited bribery, he prevails upon the tribunes 
and among thorn in particular the great speaker C. Curio, 
(vvliom he thought not too dearly purchased at a million and 
a half), to give a turn advantageous for him, to the proposal 
now brought into consideration, for resigning his command 
and the appointment of a successor 51, by a similar propo- 
sal with respect to Pompey.— Repeated offers were made 
on both sides for the sake of show, till the decree of the 
senate 7th of Jan. 49, by which Caesar was ordered to 
" dismiss his army, under the penalty of being declared an 
enemy of the republic," without respect to the intercession 
of the tribunes, whose flight to him gave his cause the ap- 
pearance of being the popular one. — Caesar's passage over 
the Rubicon, the boundary of his province. 

35. The civil war which now broke out, spread 
itself the more rapidly over all the countries of 
the Roman state, because Pompey, unable to main- 
tain Italy, not only made Greece the principal seat 
of war, but held Spain also and Africa occupied 
by armies under his lieutenants ; and Caesar by 
the judicious distribution of his legions was pre- 
sent every where, without exciting any preceding 
suspicion. To this was added through accidental 
circumstances, the war in Alexandria and in Pontus, 
and thus it was rrot one war, but rather a series of 
49 to six wars, all of which, Caesar, within five 
^^- years, flying from one quarter of the world 
to another with his legions, carried on in person 
and terminated victoriously. 

Italy was quickly occupied in s'Xty days, the forces of Do- 
mitius having surrendered at Corfinium. This countjy with 



I 



III. PERIOI). TO THE MONARCHY. 405 

Sicily and Sardinia, submits to Caesar almost without re- 
sistance, while Pompey crosses over to Greece, with his par- 
ty and troops. — Caesar's first expedition to Spain against 
Afranius and Petreius, the generals of F*ompey, who are 
compelled to surrender; but on the other hand loss of the 
legions under Curio in Africa. — By December 49, Caesar 
is again in Italy, and is appointed dictator ; but he exchanges 
the dignity for the consulship. — Rapid passage, with the ships 
collected in the mean time, to Greece 4rh Jan. 48. Disas- 
trous combat at Dyrrhachium. — The war was now transfer- 
red to Thessaly and a decisive battle took place at Pharsa- 
lus, 20th July 48, after which Pompey flies to Alexandria, 
where he is put to death after his landing. Three days after 
him Caesar also lands at Alexandria. 

36. Caesar is again appointed dictator, after the 
battle at PliarsaJus, with the greatest privileges. 
But the overthrow of Pompey liad not yet anni- 
hilated his party ; and the Alexandrine war of six 
montlis and the expedition against Pharnaces in 
Pontus, gave it time again to collect its forces both 
in Africa under Cato and in Spain under the sons 
of Pompey. 

During the Alexandrian war, (see above page 272) and 
the expedition against Pharnaces, the son of Mithridates, 
(who had seized the kingdom of his father, but was defeated 
oy Caesar 47 immediately after his arrival), great disturbance 
had been caused in Rome by the imitator of Clodius, Dola- 
bella, the tribune, by the promise of abolishing debt (novae 
tabulae) notwithstanding the military force of M. Antony, 
whom Caesar had despatched to Rome as magister equitum, 
because the proposal was favored from the very beginning 
by the sensual profligate himself. These disturbances ceased 
indeed at Caesar's return to Rome, December 47, but he 
was compelled in January 46 to hasten to Africa, both by 



406 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

the increase of the opposite party there, and by an insur- 
rection among his own soldiers. — Victory at Thapsus over 
Scipio and Juba ; after which Cato of Utica puts himself to 
death. Numidia the kingdom of Juba becomes a Roman 
province. After the return of Caesar to Rome in June, he 
was unable to stay there more than four months, because he 
was called to Spain to terminate the dangerous contest against 
the two sons of Pompey, Cneius and Sextus. — Destructive 
battle at Munda in March 45 ; after which Cneius is put to 
death, but Sextus escapes to the Celtiberi. 

37. Certain as it is, that Caesar did not, like 
Sulla, subjugate the republic, in order to restore it 
again, it is impossible to determine what were the 
ultimate views of the childless usurper, who seems 
to have been led and impelled, during his whole 
career, till his last moments, by no other motive 
than a love of sway, which arose directly from the 
consciousness of his superior powers, and permit- 
ted itself every means for its gratification. The 
time of his dictatorship was too short and too much 
interrupted by wars to allow him to develope his 
more remote projects. He sought to found his 
authority on popularity, and although his army was 
necessarily his main support, its favor was sought 
by no new proscription. To restore order to the 
distracted condition of Italy and especially of the 
capital, was of course his first occupation, which 
was to be followed by an expedition against the 
44 too great power of the Parthians. But his 
Feb. attempt to obtain the diadem seems to place 
it beyond doubt, that he wished to introduce a for- 
mal monarchy. But the annihilation of the form 
of the republic was incontestably more dangerous, 
than the annihilation of the republic itself. 



r 



III. PERIOD. TO THE MONARCHY. 407 

The honors and privileges, conferred upon Caesar by the 
senate, were the following ; after the battle of Pharsalus, he 
was appointed dictator for one year and consul for five ; he 
obtained the potestas tribunicia, and also the right over peace 
and war, the exclusive right of the comitia (the tribunes 
alone excepted), and he also acquired the power of confer- 
ring the provinces. His dictatorship was renewed 47, then 
for ten years, and at last 45, together with the praefectura 
morum, conferred upon him for life, with the title impera- 
tor. If Caesar became thereby master of the republic, this 
did not appear to be inconsistent with republican forms. 

38. Conspiracy against Caesar, ])lanned by ^^ 
M. Brutus and Cassius, and resulting in the isth 
murder of Caesar. Men as enthusiastic as 
the leaders of this conspiracy were, are easily at- 
tracted towards each other ; and it was entirely in 
character, that the thoughts of no one of them had 
extended beyond the deed. The assassination of 
Caesar was a great misfortune for Rome. Expe- 
rience soon proved that the republic could not be 
restored by it ; his life would probably have saved 
the state from those sufferings, which were now 
inevitable on its transition to a monarchy. 

We are still without a worthy biography of the man, who 
has been in modern times as immoderately praised, as Alex- 
ander has been undervalued. As generals and conquerors 
both were equally great, and both equally weak ; as men, 
the Macedonian is distinguished, in his better moments, 
which Caesar never had ; of those great political ideas, which 
we find developed in the conduct of Alexander, Caesar ex- 
hibits none ; he knew better than any body else, how to ac- 
quire power, but understood the art of confirming it in a less 
degree. 

Histoire de la vie de Jules Caesar par Mr. De Bury. 
Paris. 1758. 2 Voll. 8 vo. 



408 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STA'I'E. 

Leben des C. Julius Caesar von A. G. Meissner, fortge- 
getzt von J. Ch. L. Haken. 1811. 4 parts. — Thus far the 
best. 

39. Notwithstanding the amnesty, which was at 
first declared, the funeral of Caesar soon showed, 
that his generals, M. Antony and M. Lepidus, the 
leaders of the party after Caesars fall, desired 
nothing less ; and the arriv al of the grandson of 
Caesar's sister, C. Octavius, whom Caesar had 
adopted in his will, (from this time Caesar Octa- 
vianus,) rendered the relations still more compli- 
cated, as every one labored for himself, and An- 
tony, in particular, pushed himself forward to 
Caesar's place. Great as the attempts were to 
win the people, it was in reality the legions vv^iich 
decided ; and their accession depended on the 
possession of the provinces. It is, therefore, not 
strange, that the contest respecting them, with an 
effort to exclude the murderers of Caesar from 
sharing them, now became the chief object, which 
in a few months led to a civil war. 

At the time of the murder of Caesar M. Antony v^ras the 
actual consul, and Dolabella the consul designatus ; M. Le- 
pidus, magister equitum ; M. Brutus and Cassius, both 
praetors, (the first : praetor urbanus) ; to the former Cae- 
sar had granted Macedonia, to the latter Syria as provinces, 
which the senate confirmed to them ; to Lepidus furlhei 
Gaul was promised, to D. Brutus hither Gaul. — But soon 
after the murder of Caesar, Antony by a decree of the 
people caused Macedonia to be assigned to himself, and 
Syria to Dolabella, his present colleague, with whom he 
had formed a close union ; in return for which the senate 
promised Brutus and Cassius, to whom the important care 
of providing the city with its supplies had been committed. 



HI, PERIOD. TO THE MONARCHY. 409 

tint the former should have Cyrene, the latter Crete. But 
soon after (1 Jan. 44) Antony desired by a new exchange 
Cisalpine Gaul for himself, and JMacedonia for his brother 
C. Antony, both of which he obtained froiTi the people. 

40. Witile M. Antony endeavors by main force 
to poSvSess himself of hither Gaul, which D. Brutus, 
who throws himself into Mutina, will not yield to 
him, a short but very bloody civil war arises ; (bel- 
lum Mutinense). By the eloquence of "Cicero 
Antony is declared an enemy of the state ; and the 
two new consuls, Hirtius and Pansa with Caesar 
Octavian are sent against him. The defeated An- 
tony was indeed compelled to retire across the 
Alps to Lepidus ; but as both consuls had fallen, 
the young Octavian boldly demanded and gained 
the consulship by his legions, and showed the de- 
fenceless senate, how little its decrees could do 
towards restoring the republic. Tiie custom, soon 
introduced, of the magi stratus suffecti already- 
showed, that nothing but the shadow of a republic 
remained. 

The war before Mutina began in Dec. 44, and ended with 
the overthrow of Antony at Mutina 14 April 43. — Octavian 
obtained the consulship 22d. Sept. 

41. Octavian, deserting the party of the senate, 
enters into secret negotiation with Antony aiid 
Lepidus, of which the consequence after the meet- 
ing at Bononia is a new actual triumvirafe. 
Whilst the three, under the title of triumviri rei- 
publicae constituendae, declare themselves masters 
of the republic for live years and distribute 
among themselves the provinces at their pleasu'-e, 
their chief object is the annihilation of the repub- 

52 



410 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

licaii party. The means of doing this were, a 
new proscription in Rome itself, and a declaration 
of war against the murderers of Caesar. 

The triumvirate was formed 27 Nov. 53, upon wliicTi, 
immediately after the entry of the triumvirs into Rome, the 
massacre of the proscribed began, extending itself over all 
Italy, and reaching even Cicero, who fell 7 Dec. — The mo- 
tives, which led to the new proscription, are not to be sought 
in private hatred only, but as much and perhaps in a greater 
degree in the necessity, partly of extorting money for con- 
ducting the impending war, and partly to satisfy the demands 
of the legions. — When did a nation see a reign of terror like 
this, under which it was even forbidden to weep ? 

42, The impending civil war was therefore a 
struggle between the members of the oligarchy and 
the defenders of the republic. The Roman world 
was divided as it were between the two parties ; 
the former were in possession of Italy and the 
western provinces, while the h.eads of the latter 
had acquired the eastern countries, and the naval 
power of S. Pompey seemed to secure to them 
the dominion of the sea. 

M. Brutus in the autumn of 44 had come into possession 
of his province IMacedonia ; but Cassius, to get possession 
of Syria, had to make war on Dolabella, who, by murdering 
Trebonius, the proconsul of Asia, had acquired Asia ; but 
had for that reason been declared an enemy by the senate, 
and, being blocked up by Cassius in Laodicea, had been 
brought to such a slate, that he killed himself, 5th June 43. 
From that time Cassius and Brutus were masters of all the 
oriental provinces, at whose cost they made their prepara- 
tions, not without great oppressions. — S. Pompey, after the 
overthrow at Munda 45, had remained incognito in Spain ; 
then became the head of freebooters ; soon after grew to be 
very powerful ; till after Caesar's death the senate made him 



HI. PERIOD. TO THE MONARCHY. 41 J 

the naval commander. Upon this, proceeding from Spain 
after tlie formation of the triumvirate, he gained possession 
of Sicily, and soon afterwards of Sardinia and Corsica. It was 
a great gain for the triumvirs, that S. Pompey did but par- 
tially know how to use his power and his success. 

43. Macedonia was the theatre of the new civil 
war, and together with a good cause, a superiority 
of talents as well as of naval and military force, 
seemed to assure the victory to Brutus and Cassius. 
But in the decisive days atPhilippi accident sported 
in a wonderful manner ; and with the two leaders 
fell the two pillars of the republic. 

Two battles at Philippi towards the end of the year 42, 
and voluntary death of Cassius after the first, and of Brutus 
after the second battle. 

Plutarchi Vita Bruti ; compiled from the accounts of eye- 
witnesses. 

44. The history of the remaining eleven years 
to the battle of Actium, is almost nothing but a 
history of the contests of the members of the oli- 
garchy among themselves. The most crafty finally 
prevailed, for M. Antony possessed Caesar's sen- 
suality, but not his genius ; and the unimportant 
Lepidus soon became the sacrifice of his vanity 
and weakness. Whilst Antony went to Asia to 
regulate the oriental provinces, and proceeded 
from thence with Cleopatra to Alexandria, Octa- 
vian returned to Rome. But the dearth, which 
prevailed in Rome in consequence of the blockade 
by S. Pompey ; the distress, extended through all 
Italy by dividing among the veterans the lands 
that had been taken by force ; and the insatiable 
avarice of those veterans, soon made his situation 



412 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

much more dangerous than it had been before the 

war ; and the hatred of the wild Fulvia, Antony's 

wife, who entered into a union with her bro- 

41. 

ther in-law the consul L. Antonius, excited 
towards the close of the year a civil war in Italy, 
that was terminaiL-d by the surrender and burning 
of Perusium, into which L, Antony had thrown 
himself, and which was reduced by famine. 

The belliHU Perusinum lasted from the end of 41 to 
April 40. 

45. Meantime this war had very nearly provok- 
ed a greater one, for M. Antony, already an enemy 
of Octavian's, came over to Italy to assist his 
brother, in the intent of forming an union with S. 

Pompey against Octavian. Yet for the wel- 
fare of the world a peace was mediated, not 
only between the triumvirs, but also, to relieve the 
scarcity in Rome, with S. Pompey, although with 
liim only for a short time. 

The chief condition of peace between the triumvirs was 
a new division of the provinces, in which the city Scodra 
in lllyria is fixed upoil as boundary. All the eastern provinces 
fell to Antony, the western to Octavian, Africa to Lepidus ; 
Italy remained common to all. The marriage of Antony 
and Octavia, for Fulvia had died, was to confirm the union. 
— In the peace with S. Pompey at Misenum, he retained 
the islands Sicily, Sardinia and Corsica, and they promised 
him Achaia. 

46. But Pompey could not but soon feel, that a 
union between him and the triumvirs must end 

with his downfall ; and the war, which he 
soon renewed, and which Octavian was able 
to terminate only by the genius of Aejrippa 
was the more impoitaat, as it not only decid- 



III. PERIOD. TO THE MONARCHY. 413 

ed the destiny of Pompey, but also, by the ejec- 
tion of Lepidus, changed the triumvirate into a 
duumvirate. 

Aftei^he doubtful naval battle 38, and the building of new 
fleets, the plan was to attack Pompey 36 on all sides at 
once, for which purpose Lepidus caine over from Africa, 
and Antony also sent ships. — Final defeat of the fleet of 
Pompey, who himself escapes to Asia, and there perishes. 
— While Lepidus is desirous of appropriating Sicily to him- 
self, Ociavian gains his troops, and he is obliged to recede 
from the triumvirate. 

47. The foreign wars, which Octavius as well 
as Antony conducted in the next years, deferrt;d 
for some time the breaking out of jealousy be- 
tween them. Whilst Octavian, to give employ- 
ment to his unquiet legions, subdued the na- 35 to 
tions in Dalmatia and Parmonia, Antony ^^' 
undertook from Egypt his expeditions against the 
too powerful Parthians and their neighbors. But 
whilst he offended Rome by his conduct in these 
wars, he himself put arms in the hands of his ad- 
versary ; and his formal separation from Oc- 
tavia dissolved the only bond, which had thus 
far existed between the two masters of the world. 

After his first residence in Alexandria 41, Antony went 
40 to Italy, and, after the peace with Octavian, with his 
new wife Octavia to Greece, where he remained till 37. 
Although his lieutenant Ventidius successfully resisted the 
Parthians who had invaded Syria (see p. 312), Antony de- 
termined himself to conduct an expedition against them, 
and actually did so 36. But although Antony in connexion 
with king Artavasdes (whom he, however, soon accused of 
treachery) endeavored to penetrate through Armenia and 
Media into the Parthian territories, in a different road than 



414 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

that pursued by Crassus, he still was very near meeting the 
fate of Crassus, and the expediliou failed entirely. For 
this he avenged himself on Artavesdes ; whom he got into 
his hands 34 on his new expedition, and of whose kingdom 
he took possession. After his triumphant entry ii#) Alex- 
andria he gave away this as well as other territories to Cle- 
opatra and her children (page 274). Upon this his plan is, 
in connection with the king of Media, to renew the expedi- 
tion against the Parthians 33 ; but, at Cleopatra's instance, 
sends word to Octavia, who had journeyed towards him, 
and was already at Athens, to return. From that time An- 
tony and Octavian criminated each other before the senate ; 
till finally war is declared in Rome, yet at first only against 
Cleopatra. 

48. The theatre of the war was once more in 
Greece ; and although the power of Antony was 
greater, it was still a great advantage for Octavian, 
that he had the appearance of right on his side. 
31, The naval battle near Actiuni was decisive for 
2 Sept. Octavian, though he could not himself have 
believed it, had not Antony deserted his fleet and 
army, which last surrendered to the victor without 
a blow. The subsequent taking of Egypt (see 
above p. 274), which was made a province, and 
the death of Cleopatra and Antony terminat- 
ed the war, and made Octavian the sole head 
of the republic. 

The history of the last period of Antony, not written till 
after his fall, under the rule of his enemies, must be con- 
sidered with the distrust, which every such history demands. 
It furnished materials for the writers of anecdotes. The 
history of Cleopatra rests in part on the accounts of her 
physician Olympus, which Plutarch consulted. 



IV. PERIOD, THE MONARCHY. 415 

FOURTH PERIOD. 

History of the Romati State as a Monarchy, till 
its fall in the West. 30 b. C— A. D. 476. 

Geographical preliminary information. — View of 
the Roman empire according; to the provinces, 
and of the countries not Roman, with which 
Rome stood in connexion by wars or commerce. 

The usual boundaries of the Roman empire, 
although it was sometimes for a season extended 
beyond them, were in this period in Europe the 
two great rivers, the Rhine and the Danube ; in 
xA.sia the Euphrates, and the Syrian desert ; in 
x\frica likewise the sandy region. Thus it includ- 
ed the finest countries of the three continents round 
the Mediterranean sea. 

European countries : 1. Spain (Hispania). Boun- 
daries : On the E. the Pyrenees, on the S. N. and 
W. the Sea. — Chief rivers : the Minius (Minho), 
Durius (Duro), Tagus (Tago), Anas (Gaudiana), 
and Baetis (Guadalquiver), all which go into the 
Atlantic, and the Iberus (Ebro), which falls into 
the 7 editerranean. Mountains : beside the Pyre- 
nees, the chain of Idubeda, along the Iberus, 
Orospeda (Sierra Morena). — ^Division into three 
provinces. 1. Lusitania; boundaries: on the N. the 
Durius, on the S. the Anas. Chief nations : Lu- 
sitani, Turdetani. Chief place : Augusta Emerita. 
2. Baetica ; boundaries on the N. and W. the Anas, 
on the E. the mountain Orospeda. Chief nations : 
Turduh, Bastuli. Chief places : Corduba (Cordua), 



416 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE, 

Gades (Cadiz), Munda. 3. Tarraconensis, all the 
rest of Spain. Chief nations : Callaeci, Astures, 
Oantabri, Vascones on the N. ; Celtiberi, Carpe- 
tani, llergetes m the interior ; Indiii;etes, Cosetani 
and others on the Mediterranean. Chief places : 
Tarraco (Tarragona), Cartaiio Nova (Cartagena), 
Toletum (Toledo), Ilerda (Lerida); Sagnntiis and 
Numantia (Soria), had already been destro} ed. — 
To Spain were counted the Balearian islands, Ma- 
jor (Majorca) and Minor (Minorca). 

II. Gallia transalpina. Boundaries: on the W. the 
Pyrenees ; on the E. the Rhine and a line drawn 
from its sources to the small river Varus, with this 
river ; on the N. and S. the sea. Chief rivers : 
(Garumna) Garonne, Liger (Loire), Sequana 
(Seine) and vScaldis (Scheldt), which go into the 
ocean ; the Rhodanus (Rhone), which received the 
Arar (the Saone), and goes to the Mediterranean ; 
and the Mosella (Moselle) and Mosa (Maas), which 
flow into the Rhine. Mountains : beside the Alps, 
Mount Jura, Vogesus and Cebenna, (the Ceven- 
nes). — Division into four provinces. 1. Gallia 
Narbonensis or Braccata. Boundaries : on the W. 
the Pyrenees, E. the Varus, N. the Cevennes. 
Chief nations : Allobroges, Volcae, Salves. Chief 
places : Narbo (Narbonne), Tolosa (Toulouse), 
iVemausus (Nismes), Massilia (Marseilles), Vienna 
(Vienne). 2. Gallia Lugdunensis or Celtica. 
13oundaries : S. and W. the Liger, N. the Sequana, 
E. the Arar. Chief nations : Aedui, Lingones, 
Parisii, Cenomani, and others, all of the Celtic 
race. Chief places : Lugdunum, (Lyons), Lutetia 
Parisiorum (Paris), Alesia (Alise). 3. Gallia 



IT. PERIOD. THE MONARCHY. 417 

Aquitania. Boundaries : S. the Pyrenees, N. 
and E. the Liger, Chief nations: Aquitani, (of 
the Iberian race) ; Pictones, Averni, and others of 
Celtic oriojin. Chief places : Climberis, Burde- 
galia (Bourdeaux). 4. Gallia Belgica. Bounda- 
ries : E. and N. the Rhine, W. the Arar, S. the 
Rhone, as far as Lugdunum ; so that it originally 
included the Rhine lands and Helvetia. Yet after- 
wards they were divided from it, under the name 
of Germania inferior and superior. Chief nations : 
Nervii, Bellovaci and others in the N,, of Belgian 
origin, Treviri Ubii, of (ierman ; Sequani, Helve- 
tii in the interior, of Celtic origin. Chief places : 
Vesentio (Besan^on), Verodunura (Verdun) &c. 
Along the Rhine, in Germania inferior : Colonia 
Agrippina (Cologne), in Germania superior : Mo- 
guntiacum (Mentz), and Argentoratum (Strass- 
burg). 

III. Gallia Cisalpina or togata, (Lorabardy, see p. 
326). But as the inhabitants under Caesar receiv- 
ed the full rights of Roman citizenship, it was now 
considered as a part of Italy. 

IV. Sicilia ; divided into Syracusae and Lily- 
baeum. 

V. Sardinia and Corsica. See p. 330. 

VI. The Insulae Britannicae, but of these only 
England and a part of Southern Scotland under 
the name of Britannia Romana became a province 
from the time of Nero. Chief rivers : Tamesis 
(Thames) and Sabrina ^Severn). Chief places : 
Eboracum (York) in tne northern, Londinum 
(London) in the southern part. — Into Scotland, 
Britannia Barbara or Caledonia, the Romans often 

53 



418 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATK. 

penetrated, but never conquered it entirel}' ; Hi- 
bernia, lerne (Ireland) was visited by Roman mer- 
chants but not by Roman legions. 

VII. The lands on the South bank of the 
Danube, which were subjected under Augustus 
and divided into the following provinces : Vinde- 
licia. Boundaries : N. the Danube, E. the Aenus 
(Inn), W. Helvetia, S. Rhaetia. Chief nations: 
Vindelici, Brigantii and others. Chief places : 
Augusta Vindelicorum (Augsburg), Brigantium 
(Bregenz). 2. Rhaetia. Boundarie3 : N. Vinde- 
licia, E. the Inn and the Salza, S. the chain of the 
Alps from Lacus Verbanus (Lago Maggiore) to 
Belinzona ; W. Helvetia. Chief nation : Rhaeti. 
Chief places : Curia (Chur), Velvidena (Wilten) 
and Tridentum (Trent). 3. Noricum. Bounda- 
ries : N. the Danube, W. the Aenus, E. mount 
Cetius (the Kalenberg), S. the Alpes Juliae and 
the Savus. Chief nation : Boii. Cities : Juva- 
vium (Salzburg), Bojodurum (Passau). 4. Pan- 
nonia superior. Boundaries : N. and E. the 
Danube, S. the Arabo (the Raab), W. mount Ce- 
tius. Cities : Vindobona (Vienna), Caruntum. 
5. Pannonia inferior. Boundaries ; N. the Arabo, 
E. the Danube, S. the Savus. Cities : Taurunum 
(Belgrade), Mursa (Essek) and Sirmium. 6. Moe- 
sia superior. Boundaries : N. the Danube, S. 
mount Scardus or Scodrus, W. Pannonia, E. the 
river Cebrus (Ischia). Cities : Singidunum (Se- 
melin) and Naissus (Nipa). 7. Moesia inferior. 
Boundaries : N. the Danube, W. the Cebrus, S. 
the chain of Haemus, and E. the Pontus Euxinus. 
Cities : Odessus, Tomi. 



IV. PERIOD. THE MONARCHY. 419 

VII. Illyricum. In the wider sense this name 
comprised all the countries, south of the Danube, 
from Rhaetia together with Dalmatia; but Illyri- 
cum proper embraces only the coast of the Adri- 
atic from Istria in Italy to the river Drinus, and 
east to the Savus. Chief places : Salona, Epidau- 
rus, (near the modern Ragusa), Scodra (Scutari.) 

VIII. Macedonia. Boundaries : N. the chain of 
Scodrus, S. the Cambunian mountains, W. the 
Adriatic, E. the Aegean sea. Rivers : Nestus, 
Strymon and Haliacmon, which flow into the Ae- 
gean, and the Apsus and Aous, which empty into 
the Adriatic sea. Chief nations : Paeones in the 
N., Pieres and Mygdones in the S. Chief places : 
Pydna, Pella, Thessalonica, Philippi, with several 
Greek colonies, (see p. 166). — Dyrrhachium and 
ApoUonia on the W. coast. 

IX. Thracia, at first had kings of its own, though 
dependent. It was not made a province till the 
time of Claudius. Boundaries : N. the chain of 
Haemus, W. the Nestus, S. and E. the sea. 
River : Hebrus. Chief nations : Triballi, Bessi, 
and Odrysae. Cities : Byzantium, Apollonia, Be- 
roea. 

X. Achaia (Greece), see p. 1 12. 

XI. On the north of the Danube Dacia was re- 
duced by Trajan to a Roman province. Its boun- 
daries : S. the Danube, W. the Tibiscus (Theiss), 
E. the Hierassus (Pruth), N. the Carpathian 
mountains. Chief nation : the Daci. Chief pla- 
ces : Ulpia Trajana and Tibiscum. 

Asiatic provinces : I. Asia Minor contained 
these provinces : 1. Asia (see p. 300.). 2. Bithy- 



420 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

nia, with Paphlagonia, and a part of Pontus. 
3. Ciiicia with Pisidia (see p. 17.). II. Syria with 
Phenicia. III. The island of Cyprus. — J here 
were still kings, though dependent ones, in Judaea, 
(it became a province A. D. 44.), Commagene (a 
province A. D. 70 and like Judaea made a part of 
Syria), Cappadocia (province A. D. 17.). Pontus 
(entirely a province under Nero). — As free states 
there were still Rhodes and Samos (provinces A. 
D. 70), and Lycia (province A. D. 43.).- Beyond 
the Euphrates Armenia and Mesopotamia were 
made provinces by Trajan, but given up again by 
Hadrian. 

African Provinces. I. Egypt (see p. 48,). 
II. Cyrenaica (48). III. Africa (see p. 48 ). Nu- 
midia (see p. 48.). Mauretania still had a king of 
its own, but in 42 was formally taken and divided 
into two provinces : I. Mauretania Caesariensis ; 
Boiuidaries : E. the river Ampsagus, W. the river 
Mulucha. Chief places : Igilgilis and Caesarea. 
2. Mauretania Tingitana from the river Mulucha 
to the Atlantic. Chief city : Tingis. 

Principal neighboring lands. 1. Germania. 
Boundaries : S. the Danube, N. the sea, W. the 
Rhine, E. undefined, although the Vistula was 
often considered the limit on the E, Chief rivers : 
Danubius (Danube), Rhenus (Rhine), Albis (Elbe), 
Visurgis (Weser), Viadrus (Oder) and Vistula; 
the Luppia (Lippe) and Amisia (Ems) are like- 
wise often mentioned. — Mountains and forests : 
The Hercynian forest, a general name for the 
mountain forests especiall}'^ of eastern Germany. 
— Melibocus (the Harz), vSudetus (the forest of 



IV. PERIOD. THE MONARCHY. 421 

(Thnringia) ; the Teutoburgic forest in southern 
Westphalia, &c. A general political division in 
ancient Germany can as little be sought for, as 
Cities ; nothing beyond the places of residence of 
the chief tribes can be designated. Yet it must 
be observed I. that these nations, especially since 
the second century, often changed their residence 
by migrating ; 2. that the names of the chief 
tribes are often appellations of alliances of tribes. 
The chief tribes in the age of Augustus were in 
Northern Germany ; the Batavi in Holland ; the 
Frisii in Friesland; the Bructeri in Westphalia; 
the smaller and larger Chauci in the territory of 
Oldenburg and Bremen; the Cherusci ('ikewise 
the name of a confederacy) in Brunswick ; the 
Catti in Hesse.. In Southern (middle) Germany: 
the Hermunduri in Franconia ; the Marcomanni 
in Bohemia. The Alemanni, (not the name of a 
single tribe, but of a confederacy) are not na ned 
till the third century ; in the age of Augustus, 
they as well as generally the nations of eastern 
Germany, which only gradually became known, 
were included under the general name of Suevi. 

The northern countries of Europe were con- 
sidered as islands in the German Ocean, and 
therefore as belonging to Germany ; as Scan- 
dinavia or Scandia, (the northern part of Sweden) ; 
Nerigon (Norway) ; and Eningia or perhaps Fin- 
ningia (Finland). The northernmost island was 
called Thule. 

Northern Europe from the Vistula to the Ta- 
nais (Don) was comprised under the general name 
of Sarmatia ; but except the lands on the Danube, 



422 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

especially Dacia, (see p. 419) ; were but partially 
known by the commerce with the coasts of the 
Baltic for amber. 

In Asia the Roman empire was bounded by 
Armenia Major, (see p. 19, 307,) the Parthian 
kingdom from the Euphrates to the Indus (see p. 
18 — 21) ; and the peninsula Arabia (see p. 20.). 

Eastern Asia or India became known to the 
Romans by commercial connections, which were 
formed with it after the conquest of Egypt. It 
was divided into India intra Gauge m ; i. e. 1. the 
countries between the Indus and the Ganges ; 2. 
the hither peninsula, of which the western coast 
(Malabar) was very well known, and 3. the island 
Taprobana (Ceylon) ; and in India extra Gangem, 
to which the remote Serica belonged, of which 
countries, however, the knowledge was very im- 
perfect. 

The boundaries in Africa were Ethiopia above 
Egypt, and Gaetulia and the desert L^^bia above 
the other provinces. 



FIRST SECTION. 

From Caesar Augustus to the death of Commodus. 
b. a 30— .y^. D. 193. 

Sources. Dion Cassius treats of the whole period, L. 
LI — LXXX, though we have the last twenty books only in 
the abridgement of Xiphilinus. — The chief writer for the 
history of the government from Tiberius to the beginning of 
the reign of Vespasian in Tacitus in his Annals A. D. 14— 
68 ; (of which, however, a part of the history of Tiberius 



IV. TO THE DEATH OF COMMOBUS. 423 

32—34, the history of Caligula, and of the first six years 
of Claudius 37 — 47, as well as the history of the last one 
and a half years of Nero have perished ;) and in his Histo- 
ries, of which hardly the first three years 69 — 71 are ex- 
tant. Suetonius' biographies of the emperors are for that 
reason the more valuable ; as in a state hke the Roman the 
knowledge of the character and private life of the regents 
is of great importance. — For the reign of Augustus and Ti- 
berius, the history of Velleius Paterculus, though written in 
the tone of a courtier, is for that reason not the less impor- 
tant. The sources for the history of the emperors separ- 
ately will be hereafter mentioned. 
Of modern writers we name : 

I: 

Histoire des empereurs et des autres princes qui ont 
regne dans les six premiers siecles de I'eglise par M. Lenain 
de Tillemont. A laborious treatise, surpassed by : 

Histoire des empereurs Romains depuis Auguste jusqu' a 
Constantin par M. Crevier. A continuation of RoUin's Ro- 
man history by his pupil and in his spirit. 

Hiibler Geschichtfe der Romer unter den Imperatoren, 
wie auch der gleichzeitigen Volker. 1803. 3 Th. A con- 
tinuation of the work cited p. 2. It goes to Constantine. 

1. For forty four years the sole rule of the 
state was in the hands of Caesar Octavian, ^^^ ^ 

' oO D. C 

being expressly committed to him and to 
renewed by the senate with the name 
Augustus, which his successors also bore. In this 
period, notwithstanding the great changes by 
which the former republic was transformed ^^' 
into a monarchy, the government was as little 
despotic in reality as in form. The greatest pos- 
sible preservation of the republican forms was 
required by the interests of the ruler, as at any 
rate not every thing could be changed ; and the 
subsequent history of Augustus sufficiently shows, 



424 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

that the cruelty, with which he had been charged 
at an earlier period, lay more in the circumstances 
of the times than in his disposition. Under an 
administration so long, so tranquil, and so success- 
ful, the republican spirit, which at its beginning 
lived only in individuals, could not but of itself 
vanish away. 

The forms, under which Augustus possessed the several 
parts of the highest authority (he declined the dictatorship,) 
were the consulship, which was annually conferred on him 
till 21, and 19 the potestas consularis for life ; — the tribuni- 
cia potestas, which, conferred on him 30 for life, made his 
person sacrosancta, and thus prepared for the judicia ma- 
jestatis. As Imperator 31 he remained the commander in 
chief of all armies, and received the imperium proconsulare 
in all the provinces. He look on himself the magistratura 
morum since 19 ; and was made potifex maximus 13. — 
To avoid every appearance of usurpation, Augustus assum- 
ed the highest authority at first for ten years only ; and 
even afterwards caused it to be renewed every ten or five 
years. Hence originated the sacra decennalia. 

2. The senate, it is true, remained the council 
of state ; and Augustus even endeavored to raise 
its consideration by a repeated purification (lectio); 
but the relation between the two was unsettled^ 
and it remained undecided, whether the senate 
was subordinate to Augustus or Augustus to the 
senate. Not every public concern could be brought 
before the senate; often the most important could 
not, for they required secresy ; and it was natural 
for a prince, who had no other court, than that of 
his friends and freed-men. and no proper minister, 
to consult with his confidential friends, a Maecenas^ 



IV, TO THE DEATH OF COMBIODUS. 425 

an Agrippa, and others ; by which means the con- 
silium secretum principis was afterwards formed. 
Of the republican magistrates the highest now 
suffered the most ; and as so much depended on 
preserving tranquillity in the capital, the places of 
praefectus urbi and praefectus annonae became 
regular and, especially the first, most important 
offices. 

The spirit of monarchy showed itself in nothing more than 
in the more careful distinction of rank, of which the magis- 
tracies, especially the consulship, lost nothing. Hence the 
constant custom of consoles sufFecti, and at a later period 
the mere ornamenta consularia and triumphalia. Several 
places were made, to reward friends and supporters. 

3. The introduction of standing armies, for 
which the way had long been prepared, was the 
natural consequence of a supremacy obtamed by 
force, and had been rendered necessary by the newly 
conquered provinces, if they were to be maintain- 
ed and the frontiers protected. The erection of 
the guards (cohortes praetorianae), and the cohorts 
of the city (cohortes urbanae), were necessary 
measures for the security of the capital and the 
throne. The appointment of two praefecti prae- 
torio diminished the great importance of these 
offices. 

The legions are divided among the provinces in castra 
stativa ; which soon grow to be cities, especially along the 
Rhine, the Danube, and the Euphrates ; (legiones Germani- 
oae, lUyricae and Syriacae). Fleets were stationed at Mise- 
num and Ravenna. 

4. The occupancy, as well as the administration 
and the revenues of the provinces Augustus volun- 
54 



426 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

tarily divided with the senate. He reserved to 
himself chie% the provinces on the confines of 
the empire, where the legions were stationed, and 
left the rest to the senate ; (provinciae principis 
and provinciae senatns). Therefore his governors 
(legati, subordinate generals) managed alike mili- 
tary and civil concerns in his name ; while those 
of the senate (proconsules) had only civil autho- 
rity. Both usually Avere attended by comptrollers 
(procuratoies and quaestores). The provinces un- 
questionabl}- gained, not only by the more strict 
supervision of the governors, but also by es- 
tablishing pay for those employed by the state. 

The fate of the provinces naturally depended in a great 
measure on the character of the emperor and the governors ; 
but there may have been a great difference between the pro- 
vinciae princij)is and senatus. hi the latter there was no 
military oppression as in the former ; and hence is to be ex- 
plained the prosperity of Gaul, Spain, Africa, he. 

5. Tiie sources of the public revenue were 
chiefly the same as before, though Augustus made 
many changes in the interior of the finances, with 
which we are however but imperfectly acquainted. 
The difference between the private and military 
treasury of the emperor (fiscus), which was at his 
immediate disposal, and the public treasury (aera- 
rium), which he controlled through the senate, was 
established almost of itself; though when despo- 
tism afterwards prevailed, it was natural that the 
latter should be more and more absorbed by the 
former. 

The greater the disorder of the finances had become 
during the civil wars, especially by giving away the public 



ly. TO THE DEATH OP COMMODUS. 427 

lands in Italy, and the larger the expense, now occasioned 
by the support of standing arniies, the more difficulties must 
have attended the reform successfully accomplished by Au- 
gustus, in which his chief object seems to have been, to put 
every thing on the most exact footing. The chief changes 
in the former taxes seem to have been, that 1. the former 
tithes of the provinces were changed for a fixed quantity, 
which each was obliged to deliver. 2. The duties were re- 
established, and some new ones laid ; and an accise (centesi- 
ma rerum venalium) was introduced. The duties were very 
productive for Rome by the possession of Egypt, through 
which passed almost all the commerce of the East. 3. The 
public lands in the provinces gradually become the domains 
of the princes. — Of the new taxes the most important were, 
partly the vicesima hereditatum, yet with important limita- 
tions ; partly the penalties exacted from the unmarried by 
the lex Juha Poppaea. — Of these revenues the larger part 
probably from the first found its way into the fiscus ; all the 
revenues derived from the provinciis principis ; those also 
from the provinciis senatus, destined for the support of the 
military ; the income from the domains ; the vigesima, he. 
To the aerarium (now under three praefectis aerarii) there 
came a part of the revenues from the provinciis senatus ; of 
the duties ; and the fines. Thus was Augustus master of 
the finances and the legions ; and so — of the empire. 

6. The additions to the Roman territor}^ under 
Augustus were of great importance ; and chiefly 
such, as were necessary for the security of the in- 
terior and the defence of the frontier. B}' the 
entire subjection of northern Spain, as well as 
of western Gaul, the first object was secured ; 
and the latter by the expedition, threatened, 
though not undertaken, against the Parthians, 
and the expedition against Armenia, which 
was actually executed. But the most impor- 



428 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

taut conquest was unquestionably that of the 
^^' countries on the South of the Danube, of 
Rhaetia, Vindelicia and Noricum ; as of Pan- 
^^- nonia and afterwards Moesia. On the other 
29- hand, the expedition against Arabia felix was 
an entire failure ; and that against Aethiopia 
24. had no other effect, than to protect the fron- 
tier. 
7. But all these conquests taken together, did 
not cost Kome so much as the attempts, entirely 
unsuccessful in the end, for the subjugation of 
Germany, which were made, first under Drusus 
and Tiberius Nero, the step-sons of Augustus, and 
afterwards under Drusus (iermanicus, the son of 
the former. Whether they were political faults 
must ever remain a problem, since it cannot be 
certainly determined, how much they contributed 
towards rendering the frontiers secure. 

The aggressive wars of Rome against the Germans began 
under Drusus 12 b. C. ; and lower Germany (Westphalia, 
Lower Saxony and Hesse) continued to be the theatre of 
them, because the attacks were made up the Rhine, partly 
by land, partly by water, through the mouths of the Ems, 
the Weser and Elbe, on which account the Romans sought 
to gain assistance by alliances with the nations along the 
sea, the Batavi, Friesi, and Chauci. The bold Drusus, in 
his second expedition 10 reached the Weser, and in 9 even 
the Elbe, but died on his return. His successors in the 
command, Tiberius 9 — 7, Domitius Aenobarbus 7 — 2, M. 
Vinicius 2 — A. D. 2, then again Tiberius 2 — 4, who was 
followed by Quintilius Varus 5 — 9, sought to build upon the 
foundation laid by Drusus, and gradually to form that part 
of Germany, which had been already conquered, into a pro- 
vince by the erection of castles and by the introduction o( 



IV. TO THE DEATH OF COMMODUS. 429 

Roman laws and language ; but the artfully concerted ris- 
ing of the young Herman, prince of the Cherusci, the son 
of Siegmar and son-in-law of Segestes, the friend of Rome, 
together with the defeat of Varus and his army in the Teu- 
toburgian forest in the district of Paderborn 9, saved Ger- 
many from subjugation and its language from destruction ; 
and taught the victors, what they never forgot, that the le- 
gions were not invincible. Augustus immediately despatch- 
ed Tiberius (who had just quelled a great rebellion in Pan- 
nonia) with Germanicus to the Rhine ; but no battles of 
consequence took place, until Germanicus 14 — 16 again 
penetrated far into the country, and indeed as far as the 
Weser in the year 16 ; but notwithstanding the victory at 
Idistavisus (at Minden), his fleet and a part of his army per- 
ished in a storm on his return, and he was soon after recall- 
ed through the jealousy of Tiberius. From that time, the 
Germans had peace from this quarter. 

Manpert. Geogr. d. Griech. u. Romer. Th. TIL 

8. The long and peaceful reign of Augustus, as 
far as Italy is concerned, is generally regarded us 
a happy and splendid period ; and it certainly was 
so in comparison with the times that preceded 
and followed it. Security of person and property 
was restored ; the arts of peace, fav ored by Au- 
gustus himself and his intimate friend Maecenas, 
rose into prosperity ; the formal restoration of the 
republic would have been the signal to new com- 
motions ; and if the reign of Augustus was not the 
very best, we must first answer the question, whe- 
ther Rome, as it was then, could have endured a 
better.'* Even if his private life was not blameless, 
he insisted inexorably on external decorum, (for 
to it he sacrificed his only daughter !) and there 
was no want of laws for the improvement of mor- 
ale, if indeed laws could have eflfected much. 



430 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

The most important of his laws to this end are the lex 
Julia de adulteriis and the lex Papia Poppoea against 
celibacy ; the latter of these occasioned the loudest mur- 
murs. 

9. The history of the reign of Augustus turns 
very much upon his family circumstances ; and the 
least happiness was in the ruling family itself. 
The influence of his second wife Livia, (which 
she seems however to have perverted to no worse 
purpose than the elevation of the sons of her first 
marriage, Tiberius and Drusus), was very great ; 
and the uncertainty of the succession in a state such 
as the Roman was at that time, was increased by 
fortuitous circumstances. After the early death 
of his adopted nephew and son-in-law Mar- 
cellus, Julia, his widow, the only child of 
Augustus by his wife Scribonia was married to 
Agrippa. The two eldest sons of this fruitful 
marriage, C. and L. Caesar, were adopted by 
Augustus, and after the death of their father 
(their mother having been married to Tibe- 
rius, but exiled by her father on account of 
2. her licentiousness) as they grew up, were so 
g ^^ brought forward by Augustus, that Tiberius^ 
A.D.2.discontented, left the court. But at their 
A- D. early death, the hopes of Tiberius again re- 
^°p" vived; he also was adopted by Augustus, but 
4. was obliged to adopt in turn, Drusus Ger- 
manicus, the son of his deceased brother Drusus ; 
A. D. and afterwards, Augustus formally appointed 
1^- Tiberius his associate in the empire, with the 
consent of the senate, by the grant of equal privi- 
leges, called among his successors lex regia. 



IV. TO THE DEATH OF COMMODUS. 431 

Marmor Ancyraniim, or inscription on the temple of Au- 
gustus at Ancyra, a copy of the Compte rendu of his reign, 
which Augustus erected at Rome as a public monument ; 
much mutilated ; Chishull Antiqu. Asiatic. 

Memoirs of the court of Augustus by Th. Blackwell. 
London. 1760. Ill Voll. 4to. the last published by M. 
Mills after the death of the author ; in fifteen books. The 
two last books only of this prolix work comprise sketches of 
the affairs of Augustus, the others go back to earlier periods. 
A just estimate of the character of Augustus presupposes a 
criticism of the sources of Suetonius. 

Histoire des triumvirats augmentee de I'histoire d'Auguste 
par Larrey. Trevoux. 1741, 4 parts. 8vo. The last part 
of this simple narrative, beginning from Catiline's death, 
contains the history of Augustus. 

10. The reign of Tiberius (Tiberius Clau- a. d. 
dius Nero, since his adoption by Augustus, jgt^ 
Tiberius Caesar, aged 56 — 78 years), who A"?; 
succeeded in Rome without disturbance, al- leth 
though the legions in Pannonia and yet more ^ ^ ' 
in Germany soon evinced that they felt their power 
to choose an emperor, produced a greater change 
in the spirit than in the form of the Roman con- 
stitution. The comitia were reduced by him to a 
mere shadow, while he transferred their business 
to the senate, which became also the highest court 
of criminal justice for the public trial of its mem- 
bers ; but the senate had become so subservient, 
that every thing depended on the personal charac- 
ter of the prince. Tiberius founded his despotism 
onthejudiciamajestatis, which now became a source 
of terror ; but the senate must share with him the 
blame for its cowardice and baseness, which knew 
no bounds. It became the instrument of tyranny 



432 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

when it ceased to be the government of a repub- 
lic. Notwithstanding the military talents and 
many good qualities of Tiberius, now fifty six 
years of age, his despotic character had long been 
developed, before he ascended the throne ; but 
external circumstances induced him not wholly to 
throw aside the mask which he had hitherto worn. 
The judicia majestatis which soon became so terrible from 
the uncertain nature of the crime, were founded under Au- 
gustus by the lex Regia and by the cognitiones extraordina- 
riae ; but were rendered really terrible by the abuse of them 
under Tiberius and his successors. 

12. The principal object of his suspicion and 
thence of his hatred was Germanicus, almost the 
idol of the army and the people, whom he soon 
recalled from Germany, and sent to Syria on ac- 
count of the disturbunces in the East, where after 
having successfully composed all contests, he was 
A. D. poisoned at the instigation of Cn. Piso and 
^^' his wife ; although the numerous family by 
his widow x\grippina, which he left behind, escaped, 
as little as she herself, persecvition and destruction. 

The undertakings of Germanicus in the East resulted not 
only in giving a king to the Armenians, but in making Ro- 
man provinces of Cappadocia and Commagene A. D. 17. 

Histoire de Caesar Germanicus par Mr. L. D. (Beaufort), 
a Leyden. 1741. An unpretending chronological narration. 

13. Unhappily for Rome, L. Aelius Sejanus, 
the praefectus praetorio was able to acquire the 
confidence of Tiberius, the more unlimited as he 
23 till enjoyed it alone. A despotism was occasion- 
al- ed by his eight years' authority, since he not 
only made this formidable by collecting the guards 
in barracks before the city (castra praetoriana)* 



IV. TO THE DEATH OF COMMODUS. 433 

dYid was able to persuade Tiberius to leave 
Rome forever, in order to tyrannize more se- 
curely from Capreac, but he also attempted to lay 
open an avenue for himself to the throne b}^ many 
deeds of infamy and crime, and by the persecution 
of the house of Germanicus. And this despotism 
acquired new terror from his fall, for all his 
adherents or all who were considered as such, 
were implicated in it. The picture is rendered 
doubly horrible by the unnatural sensuality, which 
Tiberius, contrary to the laws of nature, not till 
his old age, united with his tyrann}'. 

It was the misfortune of Tiberius that he ascended the 
throne too late. His earlier virtues are no equivalent for 
his later cruelty. It is the former that Vellejus Paterculus 
praises. His praise of Tiberius (he wrote about the midcile 
of his reign) is much more easily to be justified than his 
praise of Sejanus. 

14. In Caius Caesar Caligula, now twenty 
five years old, the only remaining son of Ger- leth 
manicus ascended the throne ; but the hopes, ^^fl[ 
which were formed of the vouns: prince, were 24th 

*" c? 1 Jan. 

soon terribly disappointed. His mind, already- 
distracted by sickness and extravagance, fell into 
a madness which deprives his short reign of all 
consistency. Still he was yet more pernicious to 
the state by his insane prodigality than by his 
savage cruelty. He was murdered, after a reign 
of almost four years, by two captains of the guards, 
Cassius Chaerea and Cornelius Sabinus. 

15. His uncle and successor, Tiberius Clau- 

21. 
dius Caesar, aged fifty years, was the first 24th 

emperor who was raised to the throne by the ^*'^' 

&5 



434 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

guards, and rewarded them in return by a 

to 45. 

i3tii largess. Too weak to govern of himself* 
^*^*" almost stupid from early neglect, a riotous 
liver, and cruel from timidity, he was the sport of 
the impudence of his w ives and freedmen ; and 
besides the names of a Messalina and Agrippina, 
those of a Pallas and Narcissus are found for the 
first time in Roman history. The power of Mes- 
salina was yet more detrimental to the empire by 
her avarice which made every thing venal, than 
by her disorderly conduct ; and after she had suf- 
fered the punishment of her unexampled licen- 
A D. tiousness, her place was occupied by one who 
48. was yet worse, her neice, Agrippina the 
younger, the widow of L. Domitius, for she united 
to the vices of her predecessor, a passion for 
power which Messalina never had. To se- 

50 

cure the succession to the son of her first 
marriage Domitius Nero, who had been adopted 
by Claudius and received his daughter Octavia in 
marriage, in preference to Britanicus, the son of 
Claudius, was the one great object of her policy. 
This object she believed it possible to attain, by 

poisoning; Claudius, after she had assured her- 

54. ^ ^ 

self of the guards by the appointment of 
Burrus as sole praefectus praetorio. — Although the 
contests with the Germans and Parthians (see 
p. 313) were nothing more than disputes respect- 
ing boundaries, the limits of the Roman empire 
were extended during his reign, in several coun- 
tries. 

Roman conquests had been begun in Britain (whither 
Claudius proceeded in person) under A. Plautius, from the 



IV. TO THE DEATH OF COMMODUS. 435 

year 43. Under him, Mauretania in 42, Lycia 43, Judaea 
44, (see above p. 323), and Thrace 47, were changed into 
provinces. And he also abolished in Italy the yet existing 
prefectures. 

16. He was succeeded by Nero (Nero 
Claudius Caesar), seventeen years of age, "54' 
supported by Agrippina and the guards. J^^J 
Brought up in the midst of great crimes, to 68. 
and more fitted by a perverted education for ju„e, 
a musician and connoisseur than for a ruler, 
he ascended the throne, while yet a youth, with 
the determination to enjoy quickly ; and in his 
life we see even his cruelty subjected to his affected 
love of letters and the fine arts and his dissolute- 
ness. The causes of this cruelty lay in the un- 
certainty of the succession ; even after the a. d. 
murder of Britanicus, the sword fell in regu- ^^' 
lar order upon all those, who were even remotely 
connected with the Julian family. But his vanity 
as an artist had no less effect in producing this 
cruelty ; and since with tyrants, every execution 
is of itself a motive for new ones, we must not 
wonder that it fell on those also who appeared to 
distinguish themselves. In his first years however, 
during which some good regulations in the financial 
department were made, he was compelled by his re- 
lations with Agrippina and with Burrus and Seneca, 
to exercise a certain degree of moderation. But 
after Sabina had impelled him to the murder 
of his mother and of his wife Octav^ia, and 
Tigellinus had become his confidant, no exter- 
nal relation could longer restrain him. The 
executions of the individuals which alone have 
been preserved by history, were perhaps on the 



59. 



62. 



436 PiFtH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

whole the less injury ; but the plundering of the 
provinces, not to enable him to pursue his glutto- 
nous mode of life, but to keep the people also in 
a continual giddiness, almost produced a dissolu- 
tion of the empire. His latter years were evi- 
dently marked by a madness which evinced itself 
A. D. ii^ ^lis theatrical exercises, and even in the 
6^- history of his fall. — Upon and near a throne 
like the Roman, there is abundant opportunity 
for the formation of heroes in vice as well as in 
virtue. 

After the frustration of the conspiracy of Piso 65, rebel- 
lion of Julius Vindex in Gallia Celtica 68, and afterwards of 
Galba in Spain who is there proclaimed emperor, and is 
joined by Otho in Lusitania. But after the defeat of Jul. 
Vindex by Virginius Rufus, the lieutenant in Upper Germa- 
ny, the rebellion would apppear quelled, were it not for that 
which broke out in Rome itself among the guards, at the 
instigation of Nymphidius. — Flight and death of Nero, 11th 
June 68. — Foreign wars during his reign ; in Britain, the 
greater part of which was conquered by Suetonius Pauli- 
nus and became a province ; in Armenia, under the bold 
Corbulo with the Parthians, (see above p. 313), and m 
Palestine from 66 against the Jews. — Great conflagration 
in Rome 64 ; and the first persecution of the Christians 
caused by it. 

The principal reason why the despotism of Nero and his 
predecessors was so quietly borne by the nation, lay in the 
fact, that a great part of them were fed by the emperors. 
From the monthly distributions of corn of the times of the 
republic, there now sprang up the extraordinary congiaria 
and viscerationes. The times of tyranny were generally the 
golden days of the rabble. 

17. The extinction of the house of Caesar witk 



i¥. TO THE DEATH Of COMMODUS. 437 

Kero, occasioned such great r.otnmotions in the 
Roman empire, that in less than two years, four 
rulers made themselves masters of the throne by 
force. The right of the senate, to appoint the 
successor to the throne or at least to confirm the 
appointment was indeed acknowledged ; but as 
soon as the armies had discovered the secret that 
they could make emperors, its ratification became 
a mere ceremony. Servius Sulpitius Galba, who 
had already been proclaimed emperor by his le- 
gions in Spain and now acknowledged by the 
senate, obtained possession of Rome without re- 
sistance, since in the city itself the atte«npt of 
Nymphidius failed of success and Virginius 
jRufus submitted voluntarily. But during his 68. 
short reign, he gained the ill will, not only of jl^^ 
the ffuards but also of the German leijions ; to a. 

^ . . . D. 69. 

and when he adopted the young Licinius 15th 
Piso, in order to secure his throne, and by ''""®* 
this frustrated the hopes of his former friend M. 
Otho, his ruin was effected by the latter with the 
assistance of the guards. 

18. M. Otho (aged 37 years) was acknow- 
ledged by the senate, but not by the A. d. 
German legions, who proclaimed their com- ]5ti^ 
mander, A. Vitellius the legate, emperor, and *^^°' 
advanced with him to Italy. Otho proceeded Apni, 
to meet him ; but after the loss of the battle 
at Bedriacum, — it is uncertain whether from cow- 
ardice or patriotism, — he took his own life. 

The special sources for Galba and Otho are the biogra- 
phies of them both, by Plutarch. 



438 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

19. A. Vitellius, (aged 57 3^ears). He was 
69, immediately acknowledged both by the se- 
^^J^j( nate and also in the provinces ; but while 
to 20 he rendered himself hated in Rome by his 

Dec. . . 

extravagance and cruelty and the licentious- 
ness of his troops, the Syrian legions rebelled and 
declared their general, Titus Flavins Vespasianus 
emperor, who accepted the throne at the instiga- 
tion of the powerful Mucianus, the governor of 
Syria. As the legions on the Danube acceded 
to him a short time after, and under their com- 
mander Antoninus Primus, marche*d towards Italy, 
where they defeated the troops of Vitellius at Cre- 
mona, the overthrow of Vitellius was effected the 
more speedily, although not without some bloody 
scenes in Rome, in which Flavins Sabinus, the 
brother of Vespasian, perished, and the capitol 
was burned. 

^ P 20. With Flavins Vespasian (aged 59 — 69 
69. years), a new dynasty ascended the throne, 
Dec. which has given it three emperors. The 
24ti? empire, almost dissolved by wasteful prodi- 
june. gality, civil wars and repeated revolutions, 
obtained in Vespasian, the very prince it needed. 
His first occupation was to fix his relations with 
the senate ; while he caused all the rights and 
liberties, which his predecessors of the house of 
the Caesars had enjoyed, to be defined individu- 
ally and conferred upon himself, by its resolve; 
(lex regia). He began his reform with the finan- 
ces, then in a state of utter confusion, by reducing 
the countries, that had been emancipated by Nero, 
together with some others, to provinces ; by re- 



ir. TO THE DEATH OF COMMODUS. 439 

storing or increasing the ancient customs and by 
imposing new ; without which the restoration of 
discipline in the army was not possible. His lib- 
erality in erecting public edifices both in Rome 
and in the other cities, and his care for education 
by the appointment of teachers, who received 
salaries, acquit him of the charge of avarice ; and 
although he expelled from Rome the Stoics, who 
had become so numerous since the time of Nero, 
and were almost the only sect, that still cherished 
republican principles, on account of their turbu- 
lent sentiments, the abolition of the judicia majes- 
tatis and the authority he restored to the senate, 
show how far he was from despotism. 

The countries, reduced by him to provinces are, Rhodes, 
Samos, Lycia, Achaia, Thrace, Cilicia and Commagene. — 
Foreign wars ; the wars against the Jews, which ended with 
the destruction of Jerusalem, A. D. 70, and the much more 
important war against the Batavi and their allies under Ci- 
vilis, who sought during the last civil wars, to free them- 
selves of the oppression of Rome 69, but were compelled 
to a treaty by Cerealis 70. — Enterprises of Agricola in Bri- 
tain A. D. 78 — 85, by whom not only all England was sub- 
jected and romanized, but Scotland also was attacked and 
circumnavigated. 

D. Vespasianus sive de vita et legislatione T. Flavii Ve- 
spasiani Imp. Commentarius, auctore A. G. Cramer. Jenae. 
1785. An excellent investigation, with explanations of the 
fragments of the lex regia. The 2d part, de legislatione 
contains a learned commentary, respecting the SN. con- 
sulta, during his reign. 

21. His elder son, Titus Flavins Vespasi- '*-^- 
anus (aged 39 — 42 years), already nominated 27th 
Caesar A. D. 70, gives the singular example {^'l\'^ 
of a prince, who became better on the isspt. 



440 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

throne. His short and beneficent reign was only 
remarkable for many public misfortunes, the great 
eruption of Vesuvius, whicli buried several cities, 
a plague and a destructive conflagration in Rome. 
His early death secures to him forever the fame of 
having been the best, if not the most fortunate, of 
princes. 

A. D. 22. T. Flavius Domitianus, his younger 
13th brother and successor, (aged 36 — 45 years), 
Sept. gave the opposite example ; and although the 
istb beajinning of his reign was marked by strict- 
Sept. j^p^g g^j^^i rectitude, he soon became the most 
perfect despot on the Roman throne. His cruelt}'^, 
joined to an equal degree of vanity and, in a short 
time, nourished by morose suspicion, made him the 
enemy of all who were distinguished for their 
actions, riches or talents ; and he was made still 
worse by the mortifications, which his pride had 
to experience in the wars against the Catti, and 
yet more in those against the Dacii. He rested 
his despotism on the soldiery, whose pay he in- 
creased by a quarter ; but in order not to weaken 
it, as he had done at first, he multiplied the more 
the judicia majestatis (which required new terror 
under him from the favor extended to secret in- 
formers [delatores],) in order to supply the fiscus 
by the confiscation of property. His cruelty 
however seems to have been principally confined 
to the capitol ; and the strict inspection, which he 
exercised over the governors of the provinces, pre- 
vented such a general disorganization of the empire 
as had taken place under Nero. His fall confirms 
the result of universal experience, that a tyrant 



ir. TO THE DEATH OF COMMODUS. 441 

has little to fear from the people, but so much the 
more from individuals, whose throats are in 
danger. 

The foreign wars during his reign are the most remarka- 
ble, the first successful attacks were for now made by the 
barbarians on the Roman empire. His ridiculous expedi- 
tion against the Catti A. D. 82, afforded the first evidence 
of his unlimited vanity ; and the recall of the victorious 
Agricola from Britain 85, of his suspicion. His most im- 
portant wars were those against the Dacii or Getae, who 
attacked the Roman frontiers under their spirited king Der- 
cebalus. By these wars, others were caused at tiie same 
time, with their neighbors, the Marconianni, Quadi and 
lazyges A. D. 86 — 90, which feil out so unfortunately for 
Rome, that Domitian was compelled to purchase peace of 
the Dacii, by a tribute. 

23. M. Cocceius Nerva (aged about 70 
years) was raised to the throne by the mur- 96. 
derers of Domitian, and with hirn a more j „. 
happy period for the empire, began to dawn. ^°^^' 
The former reign of terror ceased ; and he Jan. 
sought to give life to industry, not merely by 
diminishing the taxes, but also by the distribution 
of land to the needy. The insurrection of the 
guards cost the murderers of Domitian their life, 
but occasioned the adoption of M. Ulpius 
Trajanus by Nerva, which insured the hap- 
piness of the empire even after his death. 

24. With M. Ulpius Trajanus (by adoption 
Nerva Trajanus) a Spaniard by birth (aged ^^^^ 
43 — 62 years), a foreigner for the first time, •"»"• 
but a prince however, ascenJed the Roman m. 
throne, who was equally great as a ruler, ^J^^^ 
general, and man. After an entire aboli- 

56 



442 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

tion of the judicia majestatis, he adopted as his 
principal object the restoration of the Roman free 
constitution as far as it could exist with the mo- 
narchy, while he made himself subject to the laws. 
He restored to the comitia the elective power, to 
the senate the most perfect freedom of voting, 
and to the magistrates their influence; and he 
exercised the art of self-government in a degree 
and with a strictness, practised by few princes. 
Frugal in his private concerns, he was splendidly 
liberal for every useful institution in Rome or in 
the provinces, as in constructing roads, public 
monuments, and establishing institutions for the 
education of poor children. By his wars he ex- 
tended the Roman territory beyond its former 
limits ; for in the two wars against the Dacii, their 
territor} , and in the wars against the Armenians 
and Parthians, Armenia, Mesopotamia and a part 
of Arabia were conquered and reduced to provin- 
ces. — Why was the love of conquest a feature of 
so noble a character ? 

The first war against the Dacii, in which he did away 
the scandalous tribute, and compelled Dercebalus to submis- 
sion, continued from 101 to 103. But after Dercebalus had 
again risen, the war was renewed 105 and terminated 106, 
Dacia was made a province, and several Roman colonies 
established there. — The war with the Parthians arose res- 
pecting filling the throne of Armenia 114 — 116 ; but victo- 
riously as it terminated, no permanent advantage accrued 
from it to the Roman empire. — His conquests in Arabia ex- 
tended no farther than the northern part, where Arabia 
Petraea was occupied in the year 107 by his lieutenant, 
A. CorneHus Palma. 



IV. TO THE DEATH OF COMMODUS. 443 

As a special source for his history we must mention the 
Panegyricus of the younger Pliny ; but we may derive a much 
deeper view of the spirit of his history from his correspon- 
dence with this same Pliny, then governor of Bithynia. 
Plin. Epist. L. X. — Who can read it without admiration of 
the crowned man of business ? Rittershusii. Trajanus in 
lucem reproductus. Ambegae. 1608. Nothing more than a 
collection of the passages of the ancients respecting Trajan. 

Res Trajani imperatoris ad Danubium gestae, auctore 
Conrad Mannert. Norimb. 1795. and : 

Joh. Christ. Engel commentatio de Expeditionibus Tra- 
jani ad Danubium, et origine Valachorura. Vindob. 1794. 
Both equally erudite answers to the question proposed by 
the Society of Sciences at Gottingen, the former of which 
obtained the prize, and the other the accessit. 

25. At the instigation of Plotina, the wife 
of Trajan, he was succeeded by his cousin J^JJ^ 
and ward, P. Aelius Hadrianus (aged 42 — Aug. 
63 years), whom he is said to have adopted i38. 
before his death. Having been immediately J^^^^ 
recognized by the army in Asia, with which 
he had resided, the senate soon followed. The 
system of his government differed from that of 
his predecessor, in as much as he made the pre- 
servation of peace the aim of his endeavors, for 
the sake of which he immediately with singular 
moderation resigned the newly conquered Asiatic 
provinces, Armenia, Syria and Mesopotamia, and 
settled the contest with the Parthians (see above 
p. 314). But in order not to expose the Roman 
colonies, Dacia was unwillingly retained by him. 
On the other hand he sought to give the empire a 
greater degree of solidity by a universal and very 
strict reform of the interior, and by increasing the 



444 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STAT*. 

severity of military discipline. For this end, he 

^20. visited successively all the provinces of the 

to Roman empire ; first those in the West, and 

alterwards those in the East, and every- 

124. ^ 

to where he restored better order ; he is also 

said to have improved the civil code of 

Rome by the introduction of the edictum per- 

petuum ; and himself a great friend of the arts and 

possessing a fine taste, they again bloomed during 

his reign. On the whole, his reign was truly salu-, 

tary ; and a rich compensation for the few acts of 

injustice, with which he was charged, was 

given by his choice of a successor. After 

138 

1st Lucius Aurelius Verus who was first adopted 
Jan. jjy jjjj^ (from that time Aelius Verus), be- 
25'h came the victim of his excesses, he adopted 
T. Aurelius Antoninus, (from that time T. 
Aelius Adrianus Antoninus Pius), with the condition 
that he again should adopt M. Aurelius Verus (M. 
Aurelius Antoninus), and L. Cesonius Commodus 
(from that time L. Verus), the son of Aelius Verus. 

During his reign, a great rebellion took place among the 
Jews under Barcochabus (132 — 135j on account of the 
heathen rites introduced into the colony Aelia Capitolina, 
(the ancient Jerusalem). 

The special sources for the history of Hadrian are his life 
and that of Aelius Verus by AeHus Spartianus in the Scrip. 
Hist. Aug. minores, so called. 

,38, 26. The reign of Antoninus Pius (aged 47 

loth — 7Q years) was without doubt the happiest 
to period for the Roman empire. He found it 
.jtt,* in an excellent order and left in their places 
'^'^''' all the civil officers appointed by Hadrian. 



ly. TO THE DEATH OP COMMODUS. 445 

His noiseless activity affords history but little to 
speak of, and yet he was perhaps the noblest man 
that ever sat on a throne. Even when prince, he 
led the life of the most blanieless priv^ate indi- 
vidual, while he administered the affairs of the 
state as his own. He honored the senate, and 
the provinces flourished under him, because he not 
only exercised a strict inspection over the gover- 
nors, but also made it a principle to leave in office 
for years those whom he had once found to be 
good men. He preserved strict order in the finan- 
ces and was never avaricious, when the establish- 
ment or improvement of useful institutions were 
in question. To this liberality, the erection of 
many edifices, the appointment of public teachers, 
who were rewarded by a salary, in all the provin- 
ces, and other examples bear witness. He waged 
no war himself; but on the contrary, foreign na- 
tions voluntarily chose him as their arbiter ; a few 
disturbances which arose in Britain and Egypt and 
some frontier wars, excited by the Germans, Da- 
cians, Mauri and Alanes, were quelled by his lieu- 
tenants. 

The leading .and almost only source for Antoninus Pius, 
Dion Cassius' history of this time having been lost, is his life 
by Juhus Capitolinus in the Script. Hist. Aug. And even 
this gives a description of his character, rather than his hfe. 
Compare with it his excellent sketch, generally overlooked, 
of Marc. Aurel. I. 16. 

Vies des empereurs Tite Antonin at Marc. Aurel, par Mr. 
Guatier de Sibert. Paris. 1769. A valuable essay on th© 
history of the two Antonines. 



446 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

27. He was followed by M. Aurelius An- 
I fii 
7th' toniiius, Philosophus (aged 40 — 59 years), 

?^j*l^- who nominated L. Verus (tJan. 169, aged 
17th 30 — 40 years') Auacustus as his assistant, and 
gave him his daughter in marriage. Not- 
withstanding the difference of their characters, 
harmony was preserved between them during their 
mutual reign, although L. Verus, absent most of 
the time in wars, had but little to do with the 
affairs of government. The reign of Marcus Au- 
relius was remarkable for severe accidents, a ter- 
rible plague, famine and almost continual wars ; 
and only such a prince could compensate for them, 
who exhibited to the world the example of a phi- 
losopher on the throne. Immediately after his ac- 
160 to cession, the Catti rose on the Rhine, and 
^^^' the Parthians in Asia ; L. Verus was des- 
patched against them. But much more important 
consequences resulted from the wars along the 
Danube with the Marcomanni and their allies in 
Pannonia, and other northern tribes, who now be- 
gan to make powerful efforts to penetrate into Da- 
cia. They employed M. Aurelius with little in- 
terruption from 167 to the end of his reign. He 
maintained indeed the bonds of the empire, but 
he was the first who civilized the barbarians within 
it, and adopted them into the Roman service. The 
spirit of the civil administration in the interior 
was the same as that of his predecessor, except 
that he conceded more to his freedmen and his 
family than he should have done. The only re- 
bellion which was excited against him by Avidiu§ 
Cassias, who was meritorious as a general, on a 



iV. TO THE DEATH OF COMMODUS. 447 

report that was spread of his death, was 
terminated, after the truth was known, by the 
fall of its author. 

The war against the Parthians (see above p. 314), was 
terminated victoriously by Verus, and the Romans even 
gained possession of the first cities of Parthia ; but while it 
was carried on by his lieutenants, he was revelling at Antioch. 
— The first war with the Marcomanni 167 — 174, carried on 
by both of the emperors till the death of Verus, was highly 
dangerous for Rome, because several other nations had 
united with the Marcomanni, especially the Quadi, lazyges 
and Vandali, and penetrated to Aquileia. M. Aurelius ter- 
minated it indeed 174, by an honorable peace, because it 
was necessary to repress the rebellion of Cassius ; but in 
178 the Marcomanni kindled a second war, before the end 
of which Aurelius died at Sirmium. — Contemporaneous 
with these wars, still however, as it appears, without con- 
nexion with them, were the attacks of other nations, such as 
the Bastarnae, the Alani, etc. who fled before northern tribes 
(probably the Goths, now advancing south), to Dacia. 
These were the first symptoms of the great migration of the 
nations. 

Special sources for the history of M. Aurelius are the 
biographies of him and L. Verus by Julius Capitolinus, and 
that of Avidius Cassius by Vulcatius Gallicanus in Script. 
Hist. Aug. The letters discovered among and with the 
writings of Fronto in Milan afford no historical information. 
— His principles may be best learned from his meditations 
on himself. 

Ch. Meiners de M. Aurel. Antonini ingenio, moribus et 
scriptis, in commentat. Soc. Getting. Vol. VI. 

28. By adoption the Roman empire had 
obtained for eighty years such a series of nth 
rulers, as rarely falls to the lot of a state. ^^ jgg* 
But with the son of M. Aurelius, (probably sist 
the son of a gladiator), T. Comraodus An- 



448 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE* 

toninus, (aged 19 — 31 years) a monster of cruelty, 
arrogance and sensuality ascended the throne. 
That he might return to Rome, he purchased peace 
of the Marcomanni ; and as he took no part him- 
self in affairs of state, the helm was placed in the 
hands of Perennis, the prefectus praetorio, a strict 
man. But he havins; been murdered by the 
discontented soldiers, was succeeded by the 
freedman Eleander, with whom every thing was ve- 
nal, till he fell in a riot of the people, occasion- 
ed by famine, the victim of his avarice. The 
mad propensity of Commodus for the amusements 
of the amphitheatre for fights of wild beasts, and 
shows of gladiators, in which he himself appeared 
as a Hercules, was one main cause of his wasteful 
prodigality, and thence of his cruelty, till he was 
murdered at the instigation of his concubine Marcia, 
Lactus, the prefectus praetorio, and Eclectus. 
— The wars on the frontiers during his reign, in 
Dacia and especially in Britain, were carried on 
victoriously by his lieutenants, who were still ge- 
nerals of his father's school. 

Special sources for the history of Commodus are the 
characteristics of Ael. Lampridius in the Script. Hist. Aug. 
— With him the History of Herodian also begins. 

29. The empire had suffered from the calami- 
ties under M. Aurelius, and the extravagance of 
Commodus ; but it was not yet weakened ; to- 
wards the end of the period of the Antonines, it 
stood in its entire strength. If a wise government, 
internal peace, moderate taxes, a certain degree 
of political, and unlimited civil freedom, can con- 
stitute the happiness of a state, Rome must have 



IV. TO THR DEATH OP COMMODUS. 449 

been happy ; and how many advantages over all 
other states did she possess from her situation ? 
We see every where proofs of it ; a numerous 
population ; rich provinces ; flourishing and splen- 
did cities ; an active internal and foreign com- 
merce. But in the true hapjjiness of a nation, 
moral greatness is an essential ingredient ; and 
this we se$;k in vain. Were it otherwise, would 
Commodus have seen the nation bow so easily to 
the yoke of his des[)Otism ? Would it have suffer- 
ed itself to be wronged by the praetorians and 
legions ? But the i)0\vers which the nation yet pos- 
sessed are most clearly shown by the resistance, 
with which it repelled, for two centuries more, all 
formidable attacks from abroad. 

D. H. Hegewisch uber die fiir die Menschheit gliick- 
licbste Epoche in der Roinischen Geschichte. Hamburg. 
1800. 8vo. 

Foreign commerce, now in so flourishing a condition, 
was, in fact, but little more than commerce with the East, 
(since the Roman empire embraced the whole east), espe- 
cially with India. It extended also over Egypt and over 
Palmyra 9nd Syria. Accounts of it are to be found in : 

W. Robertson disquisition concerning the knowledge, 
which the Ancients had of India. London. 1791. 4to. 
And on Egypt especially in : 

W. Vincent, the periplus of the Erythrean Sea. London. 
1802. 2 Voll. 4to. In many respects, an instructive work, 

Heeren commentationes de Graecorum et Romanorunj 
de India notitia et cum ladis commerciis : in Commentat. 
Soc. Goett. Vol.. X, XT. 
57 



450 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

SECOND SECTION. 

From the death of Commodus to Diocletian^ 
A. D. 193-284. 

Sources. The extracts of Xiphilinns from Dion Cassius 
L. LXXIII — LXXX, extend, although with frequent defi- 
ciencies, down to the consulship of Dion under Alexander 
Severus 229. Herodiani Hist, hbri VIII., comprehend the 
period from Commodus to Gordian 180 — 238. — The scrip- 
tores historiae Augustae minores contain the biographies of 
the single emperors down to Diocletian, by Julius Capitoli- 
nus, Flavius Vopiscus, and others. — The Brevjaria historiae 
Romanae of Eutropius, Aurehus Victor, and S. Rufus, are 
particularly important for this period. — Besides authors* 
what information may be derived from coins, both for this 
period and for the whole history of the emperors, may be 
best learned from the works on the subject : J. Valiant Nu- 
mismata Augustorum et Caesarum cur. J. F. Baldino. 
Rom. 1743. Ill Voll. The medallic history of Imperial 
Rome, by W. Cooke. London. 1781. II Voll. principally 
however from the volumes, which belong here, of Eckhel 
doctrina numraorum veterum. 

With the period of the Antonines begins the great work 
of the British historian : 

The history of the decline and fall of the Roman Empire, 
by Edw. Gibbon. The first in extent and in value. The 
six first parts only belong here, as it also comprehends all 
the middle ages. 

1. The extinction of the house of the Antonines 
with Commodus produced commotions in the Ro- 
man world, similar to those which had been occa- 
sioned by the extinction of the house of Caesar 
193. after Nero. P. Heivius Pertinax, the prae- 
tVss' foetus urbi, (aged 67 years), was raised to 
Mch. the throne by the murderers of Commodus* 



iV» MONARCHY. TO DIOCLETIAN. 451 

and acknowledfijed first by the guards and shortly 
after by the senate ; but the financial reform with 
which he was obhged to open his reign, made him 
equally odious to the soldiers and the courtiers. 
In less than three months, a rebellion among the 
soldiery, encouraged by Laetus, cost him his life. 
This was the first example of that fearful mili- 
tary despotism, which constitutes the leading char- 
acter of this entire period, and was more pernicious 
to none than to those, who attempted to build on 
it their supreme power. 

The arrogance of the guards had again grown formidable 
under the reign of Commodus, but it never entirely ceased, 
during the period of the Antonines. They had been kept 
in good humor by large donations, and their consent pur- 
chased, especially at every adoption. — The greatest objec- 
tion against the period of the Antonines is, that these princes 
did not rid themselves of this dependence, when they appear 
to have possessed such ample means. 

Jul. Capitolini Pertinax Imp. in Script. Hist. Aug. 

2. After the rich profligate, M. Didius Julianus 
(aged 57 years) had acquired the empire from 193, 
the guards, to the disgrace of the nation, by ^^}^ 
making the highest offer, the mutiny of the to ist 
legions, who were better able to make an em- '^"°^' 
peror than the guards, was the natural consequence 
of this transaction. But the armj^ in Illyria having 
proclaimed their general Septimius Severus empe- 
ror, the army in Syria on the contrary having pro- 
claimed Pescenninus Niger, who was more worthy 
of the throne, and that in Britain having proclaim- 
ed Albinus, a series of civil wars only could decide 
whose claims should be valid. 

Ael. Spartiani Didius JuUanus in Scr. Hist. Aug. 



452 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

J93 3. Septiinius Severus was the first, that 

J made hi nself master of Rone, and after 
to 211. Didids Julianas nad been put to death, he 
Feb ^^^ acknowledged by the senate, (asjed 49 

— (ib \ears). He dismissed indeed the for- 
mer g' sards, but chose in return a fourfold more 
numerous body from his own army. Having in 
the mean while raised Albinus to the dignity of 

Ca sar, he first undertook the war ao;ainst 

194. . . 

Pescenninus Niger, who, already master of the 

East, was beaten at Issus after several battles, and 

„, fell. After the obstinate Byzantium had been 

196. . -^ 

taken and destroyed, this war v as followed 
by one with Albinus, of whom the perfidious 
i9ih Severus had sought to rid himself by assassi- 
^^^ nation. After a bloody defeat at Lyons, Albi- 
nus took his own life. These civil wars were im- 
mediately succeeded by a war with the Parthians, 
who had embraced the cause of Pescenninus. This 
war terminated with the pillage cf their capi- 
tal. (See above p. 314). — Severus possessed 
many of the virtues of the soldier, but the insa- 
tiable greediness of his minister Plautianus, the 
powerful praefectus praetorio, deprived the empire 
of all the advantages that are peculiar to a military 
government. Plautinus was finally muidered 
at the instigation of Caracalla. In order to 
employ the legions, Severus undertook an ex- 
pedition against Britain, where lie enlarged 
the boundaries, but died at Eboracum, be- 

211. . . . . 

queathing to his sons the advice " to enrich 
the soldiers, but to consider all others as nothing." 



IV. MONARCHY. TO DIOCLETIAN. 453 

Agricola had already established a Tine of fortifications in 
Britain, probably between the Fyrth of Clyde and the 
Fyrtti of Forth. These were changed by Hadrian for a 
wall along the boundaries of what is now Scotland. Sept. 
Severus again enlarged tbe boundaries, and renewed the for- 
tifications of Agricola, throwing at the same time a rampart 
from sea to sea ; but his son made a restitution of the con- 
quered territory, and Hadrian's wall again became the boun- 
dary. 

Ael. Spartiani Septimius Severus and Pescenninus Niger ; 
Jul. Capitolini Claudius Albinus in Script. Hist. Aug. 

4. After a useless attempt at the division 

211. 

of the empire, the mortal hatred that existed 4th 
between the two sons of Severus, M. Aur. j^^!^' 
Antoninus (Bassianus Caracalla, aged 2.3 — 4th 
29 years) and his youngjer half brother Geta ^*" * 
(aged 21 years), both of whom had been raised 
to the imperial dignity, resulted, after their return 
to Rome, in the murder of Geta in the arms of his 
mother Julia Domna, and in the death of all 

212. 

others who were accounted his friends. But 
Caracalla's restless spirit soon drove him from 
Rome, and while he marched through the provin- 
ces, first along the Danube and then in the b^ast, 
he ruined them all by extortions and cruelties, that 
he might be enabled to pay his soldiers, and pur- 
chase peace of the border nations. To this end, 
he conferred upon all the inhabitants of the pro- 
vinces the rights of Roman citizenship, in order 
to subject them to the tax of the vicesima heredi- 
tatum and manumissionum, which he changed into 
decumae. — His first foreign wars were against the 
Catti and Alemanni, among whom he resided a 



454 



FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 



215 ^^"g *'"^^' sometimes their friend, sometimes 
their enemy ; and then, after having indulged 
g^g his rapacity with a horrible massacre in 
Alexandria, against the Parthians. (See p. 
314). In this war he was murdered by Macrinus, 
the praefectus praetorio. 

Since the life time of Sept. Severus, the praefectus prae- 
torio had been the most important office in the state. Be- 
sides the command of the guards, he had at the same time 
the care of the finances, and an extensive criminal jurisdic- 
tion. — A natural consequence of the continual growth of 
despotism. 

Ael. Spartiani Antoninus Caracalla and Ant. Geta in 
Scr. Hist. Aug. 

5. His murderer M. Opelius Macrinus 
iith (aged 53 years) was acknowledged by the 
April, soldiery and soon by the senate. He imme- 

to 218. . '' "^ 

8th diately adopted as Caesar, his son M, Ope- 
"°®' lius Diadumenus (aged 9 years), whom he 
named Antoninus. He made an unsuccessful ter- 
mination of the war with the Parthians by a pur- 
chased peace, and changed the decinia of Cara- 
calla into vicesima. But while he was yet in Asia, 
Bassianus Heliogabalsu, the grandson of the sis- 
ter of Julia Domna, and the high priest in the tem- 
ple of the Sun at Emesa, who was given out by 
his mother as the son of Caracalla, was proclai m- 
ed emperor by the legions there, and after a battle 
with the guards, Macrinus and his son having lost 
their lives, was raised to the throne. 

Maesa, the sister of Julia Domna had two daughters, both 
widows, the Qlder of whom Soaemis was the mother of He- 
liogabalus, the younger, Maramaea the mother of Alexander 
Severus. 



ir. MONARCHY. TO DIOCLETIAN. 455 

Jul. Capitolini Opilius Macrinus in Script. Hist. Aug. 

6. Heliogabalus, who likewise adopted the 

218. 

name of M. Aur. Antoninus (aged 14 — 18 sth 
years) brought with him Syrian superstition ^^^ll' 
and luxury. While he introduced the ser- nth 
vice of his God Heliogabalus into Rome, 
even in public he polluted himself with such bru- 
tal and riotous sensualities, that history knows not 
his equal either in shamelessness or luxury. How 
deep must the morality of an age have sunk, when 
even a boy could ripen into such a monster.'^ — It 
was with him a plan to produce a degradation of 
the senate and all important offices, by filling them 
with his own abandoned wretches, and even the 
adoption of his cousin, the excellent Alexander 
Severus, is nothing to his credit, for he soon after 
attempted to murder him, but instead of it was 
himself murdered by the guards. 

Ael. Lampridius Ant. Heliogabalus in Script. Hist. Aug, 

7. His cousin and successor M. Aurelius 
Alexander Severus, (aged 14 — 27 years), 222. 
carefully formed under the guardianship of M'ch. 
his mother Mammaea, was one of the best ^'^H^' 
of princes, in a period and on a throne where 
virtues were more dangerous for a ruler than vices. 
Protected by his youth he endeavored to effect a 
reform, in which he was supported by the co-ope- 
ration of the guards, by whom he had been ele- 
vated to the empire. He increased the authority 
of the senate, out of which he formed his privy 
council with much strictness of choice, and re- 
moved from their offices the creatures of Heliosra- 
balus. A revolution of very great importance for 



456 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

Rome, took place in the Parthian empire, from 
that time the modern Persian, and compelled 
him to engage in a war with Artaxerxes, in 

231 to which he was probably victorious. But hav- 

233. jjjg ][jggjj obliged to hasten immediately after, 
to protect the frontiers against the encroach- 
ments of the Germans, in his own tent he 

was, at tl^ instigation of the Thracian Maximinus, 

murdered by the soldiers, who were exasperated 
at the severity of discipline, after having at 
an earlier period seen Ulpianus, his praeftctus 

praetorio, murdered before his 6yes, for the same 

cause. 

The revolution in the Parthian empire, by which the 
modern Persian arose (see p. 314) Qccasioned many wars 
with Rome, for Artaxei'xes 1. and his successors, the Sas- 
sanides, as descendants of the ancient Persian kings, laid 
claim to the possession of all the Roman provinces in Asia. 

Ael. Lampridii Alexander Severus in Script. Hist. Aug. 

Heyne de Alexandre Severo judicium, Comment. I. II. 
in Opusc. Academ.ica Vol. VI. 

235. 8. By the murder of Al. Severus, military 

to^lss despotism attained its highest summit, when 
May. the unpolished C. Julius Verus Maximinus, 
by birth a peasant of Thrace, was raised to the 
throne. He continued with success the war against 
the Germans, while he penetrated beyond the 
Rhine, and having advanced to Pannonia, he 
237. '^vished from thence to make war upon the 
Sarmatians. But his terrible rapacity, which spared 
neither the provinces nor the city, produced a gene- 
ral rebellion against him ; and Gordian, the procon- 
sul in Africa, now eighty years old, with his son of 



ly. MONARCHY. TO DIOCLETIAN. 457 

the same name, were proclaimed Augusti by the 

people and acknowledged by the senate. Maxi- 

miiius, to revenge himself on the senate, attacked 

Italy from Sirmium. In the meanwhile the sss. 

two Gordians, almost defenceless, had been '*''"''• 

defeated in Africa by Capellianus, the governor of 

Mauretania, and his legions, and lost their lives. 

But as the senate had no favor to expect, this body 

appointed the praefectus urbi, Maximiis Pu;«ienus, 

and Clodiiis Balbinus, Augusti, with whom it was 

obliged to associate the yoimg (iordian the third, 

as Caesar. In the meantime Maximinus besieged 

Aquileia, but the sie^e being: unsuccessful, he 

. . . Mav. 

was murdered by his own soldiers. Pupienus 

and Balbinus now remained on the throne, but the 

guards, who besides had just had a bloody feud 

with the people, would have no emperor, that 238. 

the senate had appointed, and murdered ^^^h 

them both, proclaiming at the same time the 

dignity of Gordian, increased from that of Caesar 

to that of Augustus. 

Jul. Capitolini Maximinus, Gordiani tres, Pupienus et 
Balbinus in Script. Hist. Aug. 

9. The reign of the young M. Antoninus ^ss 
Gordianus, (aged 12 — 18 years) grandson of J"iy 
the proconsul who had fallen in Africa, gained s-ij 
indeed some firmness from the support of his ^''^• 
father-in-law, Misitheus, the praefectus praetorio, 
and from the successful expedition, which he 
undertook against the Persians, who had in- 
vaded Syria. But after the death of Misi- ^'^^• 
theus, who was followed, as praefectus praetorio, 

by Philip, the Arabian, the latter was able to gain 
58 



241 
to 



458 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

the soldiers, and after having dethroned Gordianus, 
caused him to be put to death. 

10. The reign of M. JuHus Phihppus was 
p'J^I^' rendered very unquiet by several rebellions, 
to 249. in Pannonia especially, till Decius, whom he 
^^ * had despatched to quell the insurrection, 
was compelled by the soldiers to accept the dia- 
dem. Soon after this, Philip, vanquished by him 
at Verona, })erished with his son of the same name. 
„_ — Under him, the ludi saeculares were solem- 

247. 

nized, A. U. C. 1000. 
249 II. Under his successor Trajanus Decius, 

Sept. (aged 50 years,) the Goths having crossed the 
Oct. Danube, penetrated for the first time, into 
^^^* the Roman empire ; and although Decius 
was in the beginning successful against them, he 
was slain by them in Thrace, with his son, CI. He- 
rennius Decius, already raised to the dignity of 
Caesar. C. Trebonius Gailus is now proclaimed 
Augustus by the army, raises his son Volusianus to 
the dignity of Caesar, and accepts as his associate 
Hostilianus, the surviving son of Decius, of whom 
however he soon rids himself. He purchased 
peace of the Goths, but despised by his generals, 
253. he was assailed by Aemilius Aemilianus, the 
^^y- victorious legate, in Moesia, and murdered, 
together with his son, by his own army. But 
three months after, Aemilianus, met with the 
same fate ; when the friend and avenger of 
Gailus advanced against him with the Gallic le- 
253 to gions. The people and the army viewed Va- 
^^^- lerian (aged 00 years), as the restorer of the 
empire ; but although his generals defended the 



Auff. 



iV. MONARCHY. TO DIOCLETIAN. 459 

frontiers against the Germans and Goths, he him- 
self had the misfortune to be overthrown and 
taken captive by the too powerful Persians. 
Upon this, his son and colleague, P. Licinius 259 to 
Gallienus, who understood any thing but the ^^^' 
art of governing, became sole ruler. During his 
indolent reign, the Roman empire appears to have 
been partly dissolved into a number of states, 
partly to have been swallowed up by the barbarians. 
For the Persians were gaining victories in the 
East, and the Germans in the West, while his 
lieutenants, in most of the provinces, declared 
themselves independent of a prince, whom they 
despised, and, as in the case of Postumius in Gaul, 
were obliged to declare themselves so for their 
own safety. Of such, nineteen may be enumerated, 
several of whom, however, elevated their sons to 
Caesars. For this reason, this is, very improperly, 
called the period of the thirty tyrants, however 
much their boundless oppressions may justify the 
expression. 

The German nations, which now became so terrible to the 
Roman empire, were, 1. the nations united under the name 
of the Franks, along the lower Rhine, who roved through 
Gaul. 2. The popular league of the Alemanni on the upper 
Rhine. 3. But more powerful than these were the Gothic 
nations, who now founded a monarchy along the whole of 
the lower part of the Danube and the Black Sea, which 
soon extended from the Theis to the Don. These nations 
became formidable, not merely by their land force, but, 
having made themselves masters of the Tauric peninsula, 
yet more by their naval power, by which they disturbed both 
the Grecian and the Asiatic provinces. 



460 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

Trebellii PoUionis Valerianiis, Galiieni duo ; trigintu 
tyranni, in Script. Hist. Aug. 

Ueber die dreissig Tyrannen unter dem Romischen Kayser 
Gallieuus von J. C. F. Manso ; at the end of his hfe of 
Constantine. 

268. 12. Gallienus, losing his life before Medio- 
to 270 l^"^^"^? ''^ the war against the usurper Au_ 
Oct. reolus, recommended for his successor M. 
Aurelius Claudius (aged 45 — 47 years). He re- 
stored some degree of solidity to the distracted 
empire, for he not only took Aureolus captive, and 
defeated the Alemanni, but he also gained a great 
victory at Nissa, over the Goths, invading Moesia. 
He died soon after at Sirmium of the plague, and 
destined for his successor Aurelian, a hero like 
himself, who ascended the throne after Quintillus, 
Clodius' brother, who had proclaimed himself 
emperor, had put an end to his own life. 

Trebellii PoUionis divus Claudius in Script. Hist. Aug. 

270. 13. During the reign of L. Domitius Au- 
t^*275. rt'lianus, of almost five years length, the coun- 
M'ch. tries that had been separated or lost, were 
again annexed to the empire. After having repelled 
the Goths and the Alemanni, who had penetrated 

as far as Umbria, he undertook his expedition 

271. . 

against the renowned Zenobia, queen of Pal- 
myra, who at that time possessed Syria, Egypt 
and a part of Asia Minor. Having defeated Ze- 
nobia and taken her captive, he again brought 
these countries under his own sway. The 
countries in the West also, Gaul, Britain and 
Spain, which, since the time of Gallienus, had been 
governed by their own rulers, and then stood 



W MONARCHY. TO DIOCLETIAN. 461 

tinder Tetricus, were again subjugated. On the 
contrary, of his own accord, he renounced Da 

274 

cia, and transplanted the Roman inhabitants 
across the Danube to Moesia, which was thence 
called Dacia A u'eliani. Hated for his severity, 
which ill a soldier so easily degenerates into 
crueltv, he was murdered in Illvria at the in- 

275. 

stigation of his private secretary, Mnestheus. 

Flav. Vopisci clivus Aurelianus in Script. Hist. Aug. 

Palmyra, situated in the Syrian desert, opulent from Indian 
commerce, was one of the most ancient cities and had been 
a Roman colony, since the reign of Trajan. Under Gal- 
lienus, Odenatus the husband of Zenobia, distinguished him- 
self so highly by his victories over the Persians, that Galhe- 
nus named him his colleague on the throne. He was mur- 
dered by his cousin Maeonius 267. Zenobia now adminis- 
tered the government, without however being recognized in 
Rome, in behalf of her sons Vabalathus, Herennianus, and 
Timolaus, and under Claudius she made the acquisition of 
Egypt. Aurelian defeated her first at Antioch and Emesa, 
soon after which, he conquered Palmyra, which,, rebelling 
soon after, was destroyed by him, but is still magnificent in 
its ruins. 

Tlie Ruins of Palmyra by Rob. Wood. Lond. 1753, and 
his Ruins of Balbec, otherwise Heliopolis. T^ond. 1757, 
give a clear ^iew of the splendor and greatness of these 
cities. 

J 4. An interregnum of six months followed ^^^ 
the death of Aurelian, till the senate at the 25th 
repeated request of the army, ventured to to-ine. 
fill the throne. But M. Claudius Tacitus, ^f"* 
who ni.^xt followed, the most worthy of the sena- 
tors, was alreadv se "iity five years old, and died 
about six months alter, on an expedition against 



462 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

the Goths. M. Aurelius Piobus was now raised 
to the throne by the army in Syria, and Florianus 
the mother of Tacitus, already recognized as em- 
peror in Rome, was murdered by his people. 

Flav. Vopisci Tacitus ; Ejiisd. Florianus in Script. Hist. 
Aug. 

27g 15. The six years' reign of Probus was 

April, filled with wars. He drove back the Ger- 

to 277. 

mans from the countries along the Rhine 

and Danube, defended the frontiers by a walled 

rampart from Ratisbon on the Danube to 

278. 

the Rhine, and compelled the Persians to sue 
for peace. Still the many cities which he repair- 
ed and peopled with those whom he had taken 
captive in war, and the vineyards which he caus- 
ed his soldiers to plant on the Rhine, show that 
he was not without a taste for the arts of peace. 
But this policy could not be the policy of the le- 

282. gions. After his murder by the soldiers, M. 
^"^* Aurelius Carus was proclaimed by them em- 
peror, who raised to Caesars, his sons, of very dif- 
ferent characters, M. Aurel. Carinus,one of the 
most abject of men, and the mild M. Aur. Nume- 
rianus, whose charaiiter had been formed by study. 
He defeated the Goths and made a campaign 
against the Persians, but died soon after, struck, 

283. it was said, by lightning; and Numerianus 
^"^- was soon murdered by his own father-in-law, 
283. Arrius Aper, the praefectus praetorio. 

Flav. Vopisci Probus Imp. Ejusd. Carus, Numerianus 
et Carinus, in Script. Hist. Aug. 

16. If this period exhibits an image of the most 
complete military despotism, it is incontestable, 



IT. MONARCHY. TO DIOCLETIAN. 463 

that this arose from the entire separation of the 
civil and military classes, from the introduction of 
standing armies, and from the extinction of all 
national spirit amona; the people. The legions 
decided, because the people were defenceless. 
And it n'as with them alone, far from the luxury 
of the capitol, and engaged in almost continual 
war with the barbarians, that some residue of the 
ancient Roman spirit was preserved. The ap- 
pointing of their generals emperors, was the nat- 
ural result, not only of the uncertainty of succes- 
sion, which was not to be fixed by mere regula- 
tions, but frequently also of necessity, when they 
were forced to it, on the field, by the pressure of 
circumstances. Thus a series of distinguished 
generals ascended the throne ; and what could an 
Augustus have done then, who was not a general ? 
The rapid change of rulers must have rendered 
any permanent reform impossible ; and even the 
best of them could do but little for the interior, 
compelled, as they were, to spend their whole 
strength in protecting the frontiers, and in com- 
batting the usurpers, who, if we except the cere- 
monial of the senate's a})probation, possessed in 
fact, equal right with them. 

17. The decline must have been the greater, 
since in these sad times, luxury was carried to a 
most incredible excess, both in private life, in dis- 
play and luxurious effeminacy, and in public, as is 
seen in the amusements of the amphitheatre and 
circus, by which not only every new prince, but 
every new magistrate had to purchase the favor 
of the populace. Thus even what remained of 



464 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

the free constitution promoted the general cor- 
ruption. What enjoyments were left under the 
rod of despotism but those of gross sensuaHty, 
among the gratifications of which, the intellectual 
pleasures of the theatre (mimes and pantomimes) 
of the orator and poet, were reckoned ? 

18. But during this general corruption, a reform 
of an entirely different nature was prepared by 
the gradual propagation of the Christian religion, 
which, by the end of this period, in spite of fre- 
quent persecutions, had found access into all the 
provinces and orders, and promised soon to be- 
come the prevailing religion. To make a correct 
estimate of this reform, we must regard it as the 
vehicle of culture to the rude nations, who were 
now rising into importance, rather than the means 
for the moral amelioration )f the Roman world. 
In a political view, it was most im.)ortant by the 
Hierarchy, the foundation of which was already 
laid among its professors. By this it afterwards 
became the religion of the state ; and however 
much the ancient Roman religion had been so, it 
was properly adapted to the republic only, and 
by no means to the present monarchy. Although 
its fall must have ^been attended by some commo- 
tions, the throne lost in it no such support, as it 
afterwards found in the hierarchy. 

The . extension of the Christian religion was advanced 
both by the scattering of the Jews, and more especially by 
the persecutions, which, since the reign of Nero, had been 
renewed from time to time. These persecutions were prin- 
cipally caused by the social constitution of the Christians, 
as a sect dangerous for the state, to whieh Rome, witJi all 



IV. TO THE FALL OF THE WESTERN EMPIRE. 465 

ker toleration for the religion of nations, was far from 
indifferent ; but they only gave life to enthusiasm. If, at 
the end of this period, but a small j)ortion of the inhabitants 
of the Roman empire, acknowledged themselves of this 
persuasion, it had on the other hand its adherents in all the 
provinces. 

Geschichte der Christlich-kirchlichen Gesellschafts-Ver- 
fassung von D. G. J. Planck. 4 parts. 1800. The first 
part of this excellent work belongs here. 



THIRD SECTION. 

From Diocletian to the fall of the Roman Empire 
in the West. J. D. 284—476. 

It now becomes an important question to the historian, 
whether his authorities are Heathen or Christian. Among 
the former, we find Zosimus, the imitator of Polybius, who 
described the fall of the Roman state as Polybius had done 
its rise. Of his Historiae, only five and a half books down to 
Gratian A. D. 410, are extant. He was a violent enemy of 
the Christians, but one of the best historians of this time. 
Ammiani Marcellini historiarum 1. XIV — XXXI. from 353 
A. D. to 378. The first thirteen books have perished. A 
Christian perhaps, but no flatterer ; and highly instructive, 
notwithstanding his often tedious prolixity. Besides the 
epitomists mentioned page 4o0, we must note here, Pauli 
Orosii Hist. 1. VII. and the Annales Zonarae. The Pane- 
gyrici veteres from Diocletian down to Theodosius must be 
used with caution. — But the writers of church history now 
become of great importance for political history ; Eusebius 
in his Hist, eccles. 1. X. and his Vita Constantini M. 1. V. as 
well as those who continued his history, Socrates, Theodoret, 
Sozomenus, and Evagrius ; although from their partiality to 
lhe Christiaa emperors, they belong to the elass of paae- 
59 



466 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

gyrjsts rather than historians. — To these we must add ano- 
ther leading source, the constitutions of the emperors, which 
have been preserved in the Codex Theodosianus and Jus- 
tinianeus, from Constantine tlie Great. 

Besides the works quoted above (see page 423, 450), the 
historians of the Byzantine empire here become important. 

Histoire du has Empire, en commengant de Constantin 
le Grand par Mr. le Beau, continuee par Mr. Ameilhon. 
Paris. 1779. 26 Voll. 8vo. The seven first belong here. 

Histoire du has Empire depuis Constantin jusqu' a la 
prise de Constantinople en 1453, par Carentin Royou. 
Paris. 1803. 4 Voll. S*'o. A valuable cursory view, al- 
though without deep investigation. 

1. With C. Valerius Diocletianus Taged 

284. ^ * 

ntii 39 — 60 years) who was proclaimed Augus- 
fo 305 *"^ ^y ^^^ army in Chalcedon, after the 
1st murder of JNuraerianus, a new division be- 

May 

gins in the history of Rome. The period 
of military despotism is succeeded by the period 
of partitions. After the defeat and death of Cari- 
nus, the yet remaining Caesar, in Upper 
Maesia, Diocletian appointed^ as his col- 
league, M. Valerianus Maximianus Herculius, a 
rough warrior, and his former fellow gen- 
eral. Herculius combats the Alemanni and 
Burgundi, along the banks of the Rhine, while 
Diocletian is resisting the Persians in Asia. But 
the two x\ugusti soon believed themselves unequal 
to the barbarians, assailing them on all sides, since 
288 to Carausius in Britain at the same time usurp- 
^^^- ed and maintained the imperial title ; they 
therefore each of them appointed a Caesar, Dio- 
cletian, C. Galerius, Maximianus, Flavins 

292. 

Constantius Chlorus, who had both distin- 



IV. TO THE FALL OF THE WESTERN EMPIRE. 467 

guished themselves as generals, then the onl}^ road 
to advancement. The empire was now divided 
between these four rulers, so that each obtained 
certain provinces to administer and defend, with- 
out however injuring the unity of the empire as a 
whole, or destroying the dependence in which the 
Caesar was to stand to the Augustus, as his sub^ 
ordinate colleague and future successor. 

By the division of 292 Diocletian obtained the Eastern 
provinces j Galerius Thrace and the countries along the 
Danube, (Illyricum) ; Maximian Italy, Africa and the isl- 
ands ; and Constantius the Western provinces, Gaul, Spain, 
Britain and Mauretania. 

2. This new system must have had a very per- 
ceptible reaction on the spirit of the administra- 
tion. It was now both in fact and form in the 
hands of the rulers. Their continual absence 
from Rome dissolved the moral obligations, which 
the authority of the senate, and the name, not yet 
entirely extinct, of republic, had imposed upon 
them. Diocletian formally took the diadem ; and 
with the ornament of the East, he drew to his 
court oriental luxury. The foundation of the 
building was laid, which Constantine the Great 
was to continue. 

3. The consequences of this new system must 
have pressed severely upon the provinces, in as 
far as they now had to support four princes with 
their courts and as many armies. But notwith- 
standing the loud complaints of the oppressions it 
occasioned, it was perhaps the only way to avert 
the entire subversion of the edifice. And 
true it is, that not only the usurpers Allectus ^^^' 



468 FIFTH DIVISION'. ROMAN STATE. 

in Britain, (who had murdered Carausiiis 293), 
293. Julian in Africa, and Acliilleus in Egypt were 

overthrown, but the boundaries also were 
^^^' better defended and even extended as far as 
297. the Tigris by the victories of Galerius over 
the Persians. — Unliappily it was to be seen in sad 
perspective, that harmony could not be of long 
duration among the numerous rulers, and with the 
wavering relation of the Caesars to the Augusti. 

4. Diocletian voluntarily abdicates his dignit}^ 
influenced perhaps by the rising consequence and 
arrogant pretensions of (Valerius, the Caesar, and 

compels his colleague Maximian to do the 
^"^' sauie. The two Caesars, Constantius and 
Galerius, are appointed Augusti, and change the 
division, so that the former obtained all the West- 
ern countries, of which he voluntarily resigned 
Italy and Africa to Galerius, who obtained all the 
305 to others. In the same year, the latter appointed 
307. Caesars, Flavius Severus, on whom he con- 
305to ferred Italy and Africa — and C. Galer. Maxi- 
313. minus, to whom he granted the administration 
of the Asiatic provinces. But they ruled in a very 
different spirit. Galerius was as universally hated 
for his cruelty and extravagance, as (>onstantius 
was loved for his clemency and disinterestedness. 

But Constantius died soon after at Ebora- 

cum, leaving his territories to his son Con- 
stantine, who was immediately proclaimed empe- 
ror by the legions, although Galerius refused to 
recognize him as any thing more than Caesar. 



IV. TO THE FALL OP THE WESTERN EMPIRE. 46.9 

5. Constantine, who afterwards received 
the surname of Great, (aged 33 — 64 years) 23th 
thus attained to the government, which at ^^•^^"^y- 
first however embraced only Britain, Spain 22d 
and Gaul. By a series of violence and war ^^' 
for seventeen years, lie laid open the road to the 
sole dominion of the whole empire. Quarrels 
sprang up between the rulers, and besides 
them he was obliged to make war upon powerful 
usurpers, who appeared upon the scene. 

The history of the first seven years of Constantine 306 
— 313 is very intricate; during the subsequent period of his 
reign, he had but one rival to contend with, 314 — 323. At 
his accession, Galerius as Augustus was in possession of all 
the other provinces, of which he committed the Asiatic to 
the Caesar Maximinus, and Italy and Africa to the Caesar 
Severus, whom he now named Augustus. But the latter 
became so hated for his oppressive cruelty, that Maxentius^ 
the son of the former emperor Maximianus, proclaimed 
himself Augustus in Rome (28th Oct. 306) and received 
his father as his colleague, so that the six rulers now were 
Galerius, Severus, Constantine, Maximinus, and the usurpers 
Maxentius and his father Maximian. But in 307, Seve- 
rus, deserted by his troops when he wished to make war 
upon Maxentius, and having surrendered to Maximian, was 
put to death at his order. In his stead, C. Val. Licinius 
was nominated Augustus by his friend Galerius, and Maxi- 
minus soon after received the same dignity from his army 
in Asia. Meanwhile, Maximian, after having attempted to 
displace his own son, fled to Constantine, who had crossed 
over to Gaul, and defeated the Franks there 306. Maxi- 
mian, having conspired to murder Constantine, was put to 
death at his order 310, although Constantine had married 
his daughter Fausta. Galerius, dying soon after 311 of the 
Consequences of his excesses, Constantine, Licinius, and 



470 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

the usurper Maxentius, were the remaining claimants to the 
imperial purple. But the latter was defeated and killed on 
the 28th Oct. 312 by Constantine, before the gates of 
Rome, and by this Constantine became master of Italy and 
the capital. A war arising at the same time between Maxi- 
minus and Licinius, the former was defeated at Adrianople 
313, and took his own life. A war broke out 314 between 
the two remaining emperors, Constantine and Licinius, 
but was laid aside in 314 by a peace, in which Constantine 
acquired all the southern lands of the Danube with the ex- 
ception of Thrace and Moesia Minor.. The war was re- 
newed 322 and terminated by a decisive battle in Bithynia 
323, with the overthrow of Licinius, whom Constantine put 
to death 324. 

6. Various as opinions are respecting the reign 
of Constantine the Great, the result of it is very 
evident. If on the one hand he annihilated mili- 
tary despotism, he established on the other, re- 
motely if not fully, the despotism of the court, and 
likewise the power of the hierarchy. Already, 
during the expedition against Maxentius, 
Constantine decided for the Christian reli- 
gion. While by this he acquired a powerful party 
in all the provinces, he weakened in an equal de- 
gree the power of his colleagues or rivals ; and 
thus took the surest way for the attainment of his 
object of universal dominion. This change must 
have soon entered deeply into the whole system 
of government, as he found an excellent support 
in the already existing hierarchy ; and while he 
decided in common with this body, what was 
orthodox doctrine and what not, he introduced a 
religious oppression, such as hitherto had been 
unknown. 



IV. TO THE FALL OP THE WESTERN EMPIRE. 471 

In an age, when religious parties must almost necessarily 
have become political parties, we ought by no means to 
judge of the importance of a sect by the importance of its 
fundamental principles. The Arian controversies which 
arose at that time by means of the council at Nicaea 325, 
offered Constantine the opportunity he desired, of exercising 
his share of influence on religious legislation. 

7. The removal of the royal residence 

330. 

from Rome to Constantinople was connected 
with the change of religion, for a city that was 
almost heathen, was no place for a Christian court. 
Still the necessity of protecting the frontiers against 
the Goths and Persians, was a strong motive. At 
any rate, the removal of the royal residence be- 
came the principal means of the establishment of 
the despotism of the court ; but if we seek in it a 
cause of the fall of the empire, we must recollect 
that despotism itself was almost the only remain- 
ing prop of an empire, which had already sunk 
as deep, as the Roman at that time. 

The transfer of the imperial seat had been previously 
prepared from the time of Diocletian by the partition of the 
empire, for the natural result of it was, that the August! and 
Caesars, when they were not as usual, with their armies, 
dwelt in different cities. Diocletian's residence was at Ni- 
comedia, that of Maximian at Mediolanum, and even Con- 
stantine spent but a small part of his time in Rome. Noth- 
ing attached them to these new residences ; and the autho- 
rity of the Roman senate must therefore have declined of 
itself, subsequently to the time of Diocletian, although the 
body itself existed till after Constantine. 

8. We must not be astonished, therefore, that 
such an entire 'Change of the whole form of the 
' constitution resulted from this transfer, that in a 



472 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

short time we see but few traces of the former 
state. There was an entirely different division of 
the empire, by which, although it proceeded from 
the former divisions, a complete change was pro- 
duced in the division and administration of the 
provinces. — The court, with the exception of poly- 
gamy, adopted in all respects, the form of an oriental 
court. And a great change in the military affairs was 
effected by the full separation jf the military and 
civil power, which had been hitherto exercised by 
the praefecti praetorio, who now became chief 
governors, and had under them, others of lower 
rank. 

By the new division the whole empire was divided into 
four prefectures, each prefecture had its diocese and each 
diocese its provinces. The prefectures were : I. Praefec- 
tura Orientis, containing five dioceses, 1 . Orientis. 2. Ae- 
gypti. 3. Asiae. 4. Pouti. 5. Thraciae, which altogether 
comprehended 48 provinces, embracing all the Asiatic 
countries, Egypt, and the contiguous Lybia and Thrace. 
II. Praefectura Illyrici, containing two dioceses, 1. Mace- 
doniae. 2. Daciae, divided into 1 1 provinces, embracing 
Moesia, Macedonia, Greece and Crete. III. Praefectura 
Italiae, containing three dioceses, 1. Italiae. 2. Illyrici. 
3. Africae, and 29 provinces, comprehending Italy, the 
countries on the southern part of the Danube as far as the 
boundaries of Moesia, the islands Sicily, Sardinia and Cor- 
sica, together with the African provinces, counted from the 
Syrtes. IV. Praefectura Galliarum, containing three dio- 
ceses, 1. Galliae. 2. Hispaniae. 3. Britanniae, and ^8 
provinces, including Spain and the Balearian islands, Gaul, 
Helvetia and Britain. — Each of the prefectures was gov- 
«rned by a praefectus praetorio, who was nothing more than 
a. civil governor, and had under him tlrd vicarii in the dio- 
deses, and rectores provinciarum of various rank and title. * 



IV. TO THE PALL OF THE WESTERN EMPIRE. 47S 

They were called proconsules, praesides, etc. Besides, 
these, both Rome and Constantinople, which stood under 
none of the four praefecti, each had its praefectus. 

The chief officers of the slate and court (S. cubiculi) at 
this time were : the praepositus S- cubiculi (chamberlain), 
under whom all the comites palatii and cubicularii stood in 
four divisions, in subsequent periods, frequently eunuchs of 
great influence ; the magister ofiiciorum (chancellor, minis- 
ter of the interior); the comes sacrarum largitionum (minister 
of the treasury) ; the quaestor (organ of the emperor in legis- 
lation ; minister of justice and secretary of state) ; the comes 
rei privatae principis (minister of the treasury of the crown) ; 
the two comites domesticorum (captains of the body guard), 
each of which was at the head of his company (scholae). 
The number of the officers of slate and court continued to 
increase. If forms, rank and title could constitute public 
happiness, how happy would tlie Roman empire then have 
been ! 

The troops were com.manded by the maglstri peditum 
and the magistri equitum, who were subordinate to the ma- 
gister utriusque militiae. The inferior commanders were 
called comites and duces. The troops were very much 
reduced by Constantine ; and great changes were made in 
the arrangement of them ; but these were followed by no 
results so important as those occasioned by the increasing 
Humber of barbarians who were taken in pay. 

Nothia dignilatum utriusque Imperii c. not. Pancirolli in 
Graev. Thes. Ant. R. Voll. VII. 

9. It may readily be expected, that these impor- 
tant changes should react on the system of taxa- 
tion. Besides the ancient taxes, new ones were 
imposed or the former altered, which were some- 
times rendered doubly oppressive by the manner 
of their collection. Among these were a. the 
ground tax, which was levied annually, Indictio. 
60 



474 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

b» the tax on trades, aurum lustrale. c. the com- 
pulsory tax, which grew out of a don gratuity au- 
reura coronarmm. To this it is to be added that 
the municipal taxes devolved entirely on the citi- 
zens, and especially on their leaders (decuriones), 
which offices the rich were obliged to administer, 
since the property of the city was for the most 
part expended by Constantino on the endowment 
of churches and the clergy. 

a. The ground tax or indictio, which was fully regulated 
if not first introduced under Constantine, was levied accord- 
ing to an exact assessment on all the public lands. Its 
amount was annually prescribed (indicebatur) by the em- 
peror, and assigned by the governors of the provinces and 
the decurions ; an arbitrary standard (caput) being taken as 
a criterion. As the assessment was probably reviewed every 
fifteen years, thus arose the cycle of indictiones of fifteen 
years, which became the common era, beginning from the 
1st Sept. 312. This tax was imposed also on all proprie- 
tors, h. The tax on trades; it was levied on nearly all 
kinds of trades. It must finally have been imposed every 
four years, thence the name of aurum lustrale. c. The 
aurum coronarium originated in the custom of presenting 
the emperor with golden crowns on every occasion ; for 
which at last the value outright was demanded. All the 
cities of importance had to pay it. 

10. The more rapid extension of the christian 
religion, natural in itself, was promoted yet more 
by the exertions of the court, since this necessa- 
rily was the object of its policy. Constantine al- 
ready ventured to lay an interdict on sacrifices, 
and to close the temples ; and under his succes- 
sors, these piohibitions degenerated but too soon 
into excesses of violent destruction. 



ly. TO THE FALL OP THE WESTERN EMPIRE. 475 

Histoire de Constantin le Grand par le R. P. Bern, de 
Varenne. Paris. 1778. 4to. 

Vita di Constantino il Grande dell' Abb. Fr. Gusta. Fu- 
ligno. 1786. Both of them, especially the former, are 
written in a tone of eulogy. The latest and by far the 
best is : 

Leben Constantin des Grossen von J. C. F. Manso. 
Bresl. 1817. With some very instructive appendices, dis- 
cussing single points. 

11. The three Caesars and sons of Constantine 
the Great, Constantine (337 — 340), Constantius 
(337—361), and Constans (337—350), formed by 
a careful education, but as similar in their vices 
as in their names, divided the empire after the 
death of their father ; but their insatiable desire 
of countries, which neither of them knew how to 
govern, filled the next twelve years with one con- 
tinual series of wars, till Constantius became 

353. 

at last master of the whole. By the murder 

of the greater number of his relations, he insured 

to himself the throne. 

In the division Constantine obtained the praefectura Gal- 
liarum ; Constans the praefectura Italiae and lUyrici ; and 
Constantius the praefectura Orientis. Constantine demand- 
ing in addition Italy and Africa, he attacked Constans in 
340, but lost his life by it, so that Constans became master 
of the Western countries. So wretchedly did he govern, 
that Magnentius, the general in Gaul, proclaimed himself 
emperor, and caused Constans, who took to flight, to be 
murdered 350. A war with the yet remaining Constantius, 
who had been employed in the mean while, in the East, 
was now inevitable, and broke out in 351. The tyrant was 
beaten first at Mursa in Pannouia 351, and having retreated 
to Gaul, a second time in that country 353, soon after which 
he put himself to death with his family. 



476 fIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

12. But as Constantius, debased in luxury, suf-- 

rounded and governed bj- eunuchs, was in need 

of assistance, he h berated the prisoner of state, 

his cousin Constantius (lallus, whose father 

351 

he had formerly put to death, appointed him 
Caesar, and despatched him to the East against 
the Persians. But in a short time, he was ren- 
dered so dangerous by his arrogan«;e, which was 
inflamed yet more by his wife Constantina, that 

Constantius recalled him and had him mur- 

354. 

dered in Istria on his return. In his stead, 
his younger brother Fl. Julianus, w^as named Cae- 
355, sar, from whom the suspicious Constantius 
6 Nov. believed he had the least to fear, and the 
defence of the borders alons; the Rhine was com- 
mitted to him. Of this trust he so well acquitted 
35g(p himself that although called from books to 
359. arms, he not only protected with success 
against the Germans, but also penetrated far into 
Germany. Constantius, after the defeat of his 
generals by the Persians, who demanded a resti- 
tution of the lands thev had resio;ned, him- 

359 " 

self made an expedition against them, and 
wished to gain over by degrees the troops of Ju- 
lianus, who was impelled by this to accept 
the diadem, offered him by his soldiers. On 
his march along the Danube against Constantius, 
he received information of the death of the latter 
in Asia. 

5p^ 13. Fl. Julianus (Apostata, aged 29 — 32 

^'<^*i- years) the last and most talented prince of 
25th the house of Constantino, w^hose character 
June, j^^j been formed by misfortuHe and study, 



W. TO THE FALL OF THE WESTERN EMPIRE. 477 

Was not without failini^s, though without vices. 
He began with a reform of the luxurious court. 
In the view of the historian, his disavowal of the 
religion which then prevailed, and the gradual 
suppression of which appeared to be his object, 
is a political fault, of which he must have felt the 
consequences severely, had his reign been longer. 
But wishing to put an end to the war against the 
Persians, and having penetrated beyond the Ti- 
gris, he there lost his life in battle, after a reign of 
three years. 

Ueber Kayser Juliantis und sein Zeitalter. Ein histo- 
rlsches Gemalilde von August Neander. Leipzig. 1812. 

J4. Fl. Jovianuy was immediately pro- 
claimed emperor by the army, (aged 33 25th 
years) who restored, in a peace which he ^^3^4 
concluded with the Persians, all the con- 24th 

Feb. 

quests that had been made since 297. Eight 
months after he died of sickness, when the army 
proclaimed Fl. Valentiniaiiiis, Augustus atNicaea; 
who shortly after adopted his brother Valens as 
his colleague and divided the empire with him, 
resigning to Valens the praefectura Orientis, while 
he kept the others for himself. 

15. The reign of Valentinian I. in the 

"^ 364. 

West, who in 367 appointed as his associate 26th 
in the empire, his son Gratian (aged 8 years), to 375, 
is marked, notwithstanding his general cru- ^"^'^ 

^ "^ Nov. 

elty, by the system of toleration, which he 
practised in religious affairs. In other respects, 
it exhibits an almost uninterrupted contest against 
the German nations, who had recovered from their 
defeat under Julian. His first wars were on the 



478 



FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 



Rhine, against the Franks, Saxons and Alemanni ; 
and afterwards on the Danube against the Quadi 
etc., where he died in battle at Giintz in Hungary. 
264 to IG' His brother Valens (aged 38 — 52 
^'^- years) was engaged meanwhile in the East, 
in quelling an important rebellion excited by a 
365 to certain Procopius, who took advantage of 
^^^' the discontent produced in the East by the 
oppressions of Valens, who professed the Arian 
3^3 tenets, yet more than in the West by those 
of his brother. His war against the Per- 
sians was terminated by a truce ; but about the 
end of his reign, the event occurred, by which the 
great popular migration, and thence the overthrow 
of the Roman empire was in reality occasioned, 
the transition of the Huns into Europe. The 
nearest consequence of it was, the reception of the 
greater part of the Western Goths into the Roman 
empire ; whence a war arose, which cost Valens 
his life. 

The Huns, a nomadic nation of Asia, were a branch of 
the great Mogolian race. When they advanced beyond the 
Don in 375, the country from that river to the Theis, was held 
by the Goths, who were divided into Ostrogoths, and Visigoths, 
separated by the Dnieper. The Ostrogoths, expelled from 
their residences, fell upon the Visigoths, who asked of Va- 
lens to be received into the Roman empire ; and, with the 
exception of the Vandals, who had been settled in Panno- 
nia since the time of Constantine the Great, they were the 
first barbarian nation, which obtained a residence in the 
Roman territory. But they were forced to rebel by the 
shameful oppression of the Roman governors ; and when 
Valens proceeded against them, he not only met with a 
severe defeat at iVdrianople 378, but also lost his Ufe. 



\Y. TO THE FALL OF THE WESTERN EMPIRE. 479 

17. In the meanwhile Valentinian I. was 37510 
succeeded in the West by his son Gratian, ^^^" 
(aged 16 — 24 years), who immediately adopted 
his brother Valentinian II. (aged 5 — 21 years), as 
his colleague, and conferred upon him, 375 to 
although under his own inspection, the prae- ^^^' 
fectura Italiae and III3 rici. Gratian was marching 
to the assistance of Valens, his uncle, against the 
Goths, when he received on the way information 
of his defeat and death. The East now threatened 
to become the prey of the Goths, when he raised 
to the imperial purple, Theodosius, a Spaniard, who 
had distinguished himself as a warrior, and con- 
ferred upon him the praefectura Orientis and 
Illyrici. 

18. But the indolent reign of Gratian, in the West 
excited to rebeUion Maximus, the commander in 
Britain, who crossed over to Gaul, and received so 
stronoj a reinforcement from the Gallic leg-ions 

383 

which he gained, that Gratian fled before him, 
but was murdered at Lyons bj^ those sent in pursuit. 
Maximus thus saw himself in possession of the 
whole praefectura Galliarum ; and by the promise, 
that he would not molest the young Valentinian II. 
in Italy, he prevailed upon Theodosius to acknow- 
ledge him as emperor. But having broken his 
stipulation, and invaded Italy, he was defeated in 
Pannonia by Theodosius, thrown into prison, and 
shortly after executed; when Valentinian 
II., a youth of whom great hopes were 
entertained, again became master of the whole 
West. But he was soon displaced by Arbogastus, 
his magister wilitum, who had been offended by 



480 F4FTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

him, and who now raised to the throne his friend 
Eugenius the magister ofhciorum, whom 
Theodosius, so far from acknowledging, at- 
tacked and took captive. The consequence of 
this was, that Theodosius became master of the 
whole empire, although he died the following year. 
19. The enereetic reign of Theodosius 

379. 

]9ti'. the Great in the East, (aged 34 — 50 years), 
to 395 ^^^ devoted no less to religious than politi- 
i7ih cal objects. By the wisdom, with which in its 
beginning he had broken the power of the 
victorious Goths, (who preserved however their 
residence in the provinces along the Danube), he 
had immediatel}^ acquired a great influence which 
he was able to maintain by his serious and reso- 
lute character ; but violent commotions were 
caused by the blind zeal, with which he opposed 
Arianism, then prevalent in the East, and made the 
orthodox belief the prevailing one, as also by the 
persecutions he exercised against the heathens and 
their temples. The exertions he made to protect 
the frontiers of the empire, which lost not a pro- 
vince during his life, required an increase of taxes, 
which, although they were oppressive, ought hardly 
to be laid to the charge of the prince. In an 
empire, of itself so debilitated, and yet compelled 
to continual resistance, every active government 
must have been oppressive, and never had the in- 
ternal depopulation of the empire rendered the 
dangerous expedient of receiving barbarians into 
Roman pay, — a natural result of which was a change 
in the arms and tactics of the Roman armies, 
TT-as necessary, as during this reign. 



kV. TO THE FALL OF THE WESTERN EMPIRE. 481 

P. Erasm. Miiller fie genio saecnli Theodosiafli. Havniae^ 
1798. 2 Veil. A comprehensive, very learned, and in every 
respect excellent sketch of the deep corruption of the Ro- 
man world at that time. 

20. Theodosius left behind him two sons, be- 
tween whom he divided the empire. These two 
parts were still to form one state ; an idea, which 
was prevalent in subsequent times, and was pro 
ductive of important consequences, even to a late 
period in the middle ages ; but from this time, 
they were never reunited under one prince. Ar- 
cadius, the elder son, (aged 18 — 31 years) 39510 
obtained the Eastern empire, consisting of ^^''^• 
the praefectura Orientis and Illyrici, under the 
guardianship of Rufinus, the Gaul : The Western, 
or the praefectura Galliarum and Italiae was 395 to 
assigned to Honorius the younger, (aged 1 1 '*^^- 
— 39 years), under the guardianship of Stilico, the 
Vandal. 

21. The western empire, to the history of which 
we now confine ourselves, suffered already under 
Honorius such convulsions, that its near fall was 
to be foreseen. The intrigues of Stilico, in order 
to acquire the administration of the whole empire, 
opened the road to the barbarians into its interior ; 
and they must have been doubly formidable, since 
fate gave them at that very time, a greater leader 
than they had ever before possessed. Alaric, the 
king of the Visigoths, with his subjects already 
settled in the empire, became master of Rome, 
and filled the throne ; on fortuitous circumstances 
alone it depended, that it was not entirely over- 
turned by him. 

61 



482 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

Honorius, and yet more Arcadius, belonged to that class 
of men who are never of age ; their favorites and ministers 
therefore governed as they pleased. Stilico, who made 
Honorius his son-in-law, was not destitute of ability to 
govern ; and his exertions to obtain the administration of 
the whole empire, proceeded perhaps from the conviction, 
that thus only he could act with effect. But the road of 
intrigue which he adopted, never conducted him to this 
object, when after the murder of Rufinus 395, he found a 
yet more violent opponent in his successor, the eunuch Eu- 
tropius. Stilico having vv'ithdrawn the Roman troops from 
Gaul 400, in order to oppose Alaric, this country was over- 
whelmed by the German nations, the Vandals, Alani and 
Suevi, who penetrated from thence farther into Spain ; but 
he yet protected Italy by the victories he gained 403 over 
Alaric at Verona, and 405 at Florence over Radagaisus, who 
made an invasion with other German tribes. But when 
Stilico, after having entered into a secret combination with 
Alaric, in order to tear the eastern part of Illyricum from 
the oriental empire, was, by the cabals of the new favorite 
Olympius, who took advantage of the weakness of Hono- 
rius, and the jealousy existing between the Roman and for- 
eign soldiers, accused of aspiring to the throne, deprived 
of power and executed on the 23d of August 408, 
Rome lost the only general, who was able to be her 
protector. Alaric again invaded Italy 408, and Rome, be- 
sieged by him, had to purchase peace ; but the conditions 
not being fulfilled, Alaric advanced again before Rome 409, 
became master of the city, and instead of Honorius, who 
had shut himself up in Ravenna, named Attalus, the prae^ 
fectus urbi, Augustus. But in 410, he deprived him of the 
diadem, and took possession of Rome by force, which was 
sacked. Wishing to make the acquisition of Sicily and 
Africa also, he died in the South of Italy. Adolphus, his 
brother-in-lavsr and successor, withdrew 412 with his Goths 
from Italy, now completely exhausted, proceeded to Gaul, and 



IV. TO THE FALL OP THE WESTERN EMPIRE. 483 

thence to Spain, where he founded the kingdom of the 
Visigoths. He carried with him Placidia, the sister of Ho- 
norius, either as hostage or captive, whom he married 414 
in Gaul. In the meanwhile, a usurper, Constantine had 
started up in Britain and Gaul, who was defeated and exe- 
cuted in 411 by Constantius, a general of Honorius. Upon 
this Constantius, Honorius not only bestowed 417 his sister 
Placidia, who in the meantime had become a widow, and 
had been returned, but he also named him Augustus 421, 
although he died two months after. Placidia now exer- 
cised indeed a considerable interest in the government, but 
proceeded to Constantinople 423, where she remained till 
the death of Honorius. 

Fl. Stilico, ein Wallenstein der Vorwelt, von Chr. Fr. 
Schulze. 1805. Not written, for the sake of the comparison. 
22. Thus already under Honorius, the greater 
part of Spain and a part of Gaul were torn from 
the Roman empire. After his death, Johan- 
nes, the private secretary, first acquired the 
government. But he was defeated by Theo- 
dosius II. the emperor of the East, and Va- 
lentinian III. the nephew of Honorius, yet a 425 
minor, (aged 6 — 36 years) was raised to the *° ^^^" 
throne, under the guardianship of his mother, Pla- 
cidia (t450). During his unhappy reign, almost 
all the provinces out of Italy were torn from the 
Western empire. The fault of this is to be im- 
puted to the administration of his mother, and sub- 
sequently to his own incapacity, no less than to 
those violent commotions, which agitated so vehe- 
mently the nations of Europe. 

Britain had already been emancipated 427 by the Ro- 
mans. In Africa, Bonifacius the governor was forced to 
rebel, by the artifices of the general Aetius ; and after he 



484 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

had called to his assistance the Vandals from Spain, under 
Geiserich, they put themselves in possession of the counliy 
429 — 439, and Valentinian was obliged 435 to make a for- 
mal resignation of the conquest. Valentinian III. purchased 
his wife, the Grecian princess Eudoxia 437, by renouncii^g 
the western part of Illyricum (Pannonia, Dalmatia, and 
Noricum), so that Rbaetia and Vindelicia alone remained of 
the countries along the southern portion of the Danube, be- 
longing to the praefectura Italiae. In the South Eastern 
part of Gaul, the kingdom of the Burgundians had been formed 
since the year 435, (which, besides the South East of France 
as far as the Rhone and Saone, comprehended also Switzer- 
land and Savoy). The South Western part was under the'sway 
of the Visigoths j and in those countries alone north of the 
Loire, did Roman governors yet rule ; Syagrius, the last of 
them, survived the fall of the empire itself. He was de- 
feated first in 486, in the battle at Soissons by Clodovicus, 
king of the Franks. 

23. But while the Occidental empire fell asun- 
der almost of itself, a new storm occurred among 
the nations, which threatened to swallow all of 
Western Europe. The tribes of the Hunni now 
ruling; in the lands, formerly belonging to the 
Goths, between the Don and the Theis, and as far 
as the Volga, had united themselves, since 444, 
under one common chief Attala, who, thus and 
by his personal superiority as a warrior and ruler, 
became the most powerful prince of his age.. 
While he was averted from the Eastern empire by» 
an annual tribute, he attacked with an immense 
force the western countries, but at Chalons 

450. 

(in campis Catalaunicis), he was forced to 
return by the combined strength of the Romans, 



IV. TO THE FALL OF THE WESTERN EMPIRE. 485 

under Aetius and the Visigoths. He never- 
theless invaded Italy, the following year, 
where he kept up a correspondence with the 
abandoned Honoria, the sister of Valeiitinian. He 
was impelled to return for reasons that are doubt- 
ful, and died in a short time. The wretched ^^^ 
Valentinian soon after deprived the Roman 
empire of its best general, by putting Ae- 
tius to death, from distrust. But he soon 
experienced the punishment of his extravagance, 
for he was murdered by a conspiracy, formed 
against him by Petronius Maximus, whose 
wife he had dishonored, and some friends of 
Aetius. 

24. The twenty years, which elapsed between 
the murder of Valentinian HI. and the entire ex- 
tinction of the Roman empire in the West, present 
an almost uninterrupted succession of internal re- 
volutions, while during them no less than nine 
rulers followed each other, whose change is the 
least important for this period. Of far more im- 
portance than they for the Roman empire, was 
Genserich, the kiiig of the Vandals, who, master 
of the Mediterranean iind Sicily by his naval force, 
was able to invade Italy according to his pleasure, 
and even to take Rome ; and likewise of great 
importance in Italy itself was Ricimer, the Ger- 
man, who, as general of the foreign troops in the 
Roman pay, caused a series of emperors to reign 
under his name. It was in his power to put 
an end to the series of the Augusti, but accidental 
reasons determined, that this renown should be re- 



486 FIFTH DIVISION. ROMAN STATE. 

^^g served for his successor Odoacer, four years 
after his death. 
After the murder of Valentinian, Maximus was proclaimed 
emperor ; but compelling Eudoxia, the widow of Valenti- 
nian, to a marriage with himself, she called Genserich from 
Africa, who look and sacked the city, when Maximus per- 
ished 455, after a reign of three months. M. Avitus suc- 
ceeded him, who received the crown at Aries, but was de- 
throned 456 by Ricimer, who in the meantime had beaten 
the fleet of the Vandals. Ricimer now bestowed the throne 
first on Jul. Majorianus, 1st April 457, whom he displaced 
461, because he had gained too great distinction in the wars 
against the Vandals, and appointed in his stead Libius Seve- 
rus, who died 465, perhaps of poison. There followed an 
interregnum of two years, during which Ricimer reigned, 
though without the imperial title ; till Anthemius, a patri- 
cian of Constantinople, (which city had never renounced its 
claims to the right of appointing, or at least of confirming 
the appointment of the rulers of the occidental empire) was 
nominated emperor of the West (12th April 467) by Leo, 
with the consent of the powerful Ricimer. But quarrels 
having arisen between him and Ricimer, the former 469 
withdrew to Mediolanum and began a war, in which he gain- 
ed forcible possession of Rome 472, when Anthemius was 
murdered, whom Ricimer himself soon followed, (18th Aug. 
472). After Anthemius, Anicius Olybrius, the son-in-law 
of Valentinian III. was proclaimed Augustus. But he dying 
three months after, (Oct. 472), Glycerins usurped the pur- 
ple at Ravenna, without however being recognized in Con- 
stantinople. There, on the contrary, Julius Nepos was nomi- 
nated Augustus, who displaced Glycerins 474, but was him- 
self displaced 475 by his own general Orestes. He gave 
the diadem to his son Romulus Momyllus, who as the last in 
the series of the Augusti, bears the name of Augustulus. 
After the execution of Orestes in Ravenna, he was taken 



IT. TO THE FALL OF THE WESTERN EMPIRE. 487* 

prisoner by Odoacer, leader of the Germans in the Roman 
pay, and received from him a pension. Odoacer now re- 
mained master of Italy, till the Ostrogoths founded there 
a new empire under king Theodoric. 

25. While the Roman empire in the West thus 
fell into ruins, the sister empire in the East, which 
appeared to be in a similar situation, not only con- 
tinued, but even existed for the space of nearly a 
thousand more years, notwithstanding it suffered 
all the internal evils, which produce the ruin of a 
state, and was shaken by all the storms, which burst 
upon the nations during the middle ages. From 
the almost impregnable site of its capital alone, 
the fate of which is ever in such empires decisive 
of the whole, in connexion with the despotism, 
which not unfrequently remains the last support 
of fallen nations, may in some measure be explain- 
ed a phenomenon, that has not its parallel in the 
history of the world. 



ERRATA. 

Page 104, 1st line from top, for conspirators, read insurgents. 
116, 19lh line from top, for Linus, read Smus. 
142, ill the marg-in, for 404, read 504. 
228, 18tb line from bottom, after have, insert only. 
232, 5th line from top, for forest, read fortress. 
241, .7th from bottom, for unfortunate, read fortunate, 
448, 18th from top, for Lactus, read Laetus. 



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